Tournament: Harvard | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Evanston | Judge: rk, jared, james
The complaints from white people about their struggles to do anti-racist work should fall on deaf ears. There is nothing redeemable about whiteness to identify; oneself with whiteness is to be complicit in white supremacy. No matter what form of oppression a white person may face it is made easier by the mere fact they are white – Straight turns case.

Nopper scholar of race and lecturer of Sociology and Asian Studies @ U of Penn 2k3        
        
Tamara; The White Anti-Racist Is an Oxymoron: An Open Letter to “White Anti-Racists” http://racetraitor.org/nopper.html

I received an annoying e-mail about white people and their struggle to do anti-racist work. I keep reading and hearing white people talk about their struggle to do anti-racist organizing, and frankly it gets on my nerves. So I am writing this open letter to white people who engage in any activist work that involves or affects non-whites. Given that the US social structure is founded on white supremacy, and that there is a global order in which white supremacy and European domination are at large, I would challenge any white person to figure out what movement or action they can get involved in that will not involve or affect non-white people. That said, I want to begin with what has become a realization for me through the help of different politically conscious friends. There is NO SUCH THING AS A WHITE ANTI-RACIST. The term itself, "white anti- racist" is an oxymoron. In the following, I will explain why. Then, I will begin to detail how this impacts non-white people in organizing work specifically, along with how it affects non-white people generally.First, one must realize that whiteness is a structure of domination. As such, there is nothing redeemable or reformable about whiteness. Intellectuals, scholars and activists, especially those who are non- white, have drawn our attention to this for years. For example, people such as Malcolm X, W.E.B. DuBois, Marcus Garvey, James Baldwin, Toni Morrison, Ida B. Wells, Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and many, many others who are perhaps less famous, have articulated the relationship between whiteness and domination. Further, people such as Douglass and DuBois began to outline how whiteness is a social and political construct that emphasizes the domination, authority, and perceived humanity of those who are racialized as white. They, along with many other non-white writers and orators, have pointed to the fact that it was the bodies who were able to be racialized as "white" that were able to be viewed as rational, authoritative, and deserving. Further, and believe me, this is no small thing, white people are viewed as human. What this means is that when white people suffer, as some who are poor/female/queer, they nevertheless are able to have some measure of sympathy for their plight simply because they are white and their marginalization is considered an emergency, crisis or an issue to be concerned about furthermore, even when white people have been oppressed by various dimensions of classism, homophobia and heterosexism, they have been able to opt for what DuBois, in his monograph "Black Reconstruction" brilliantly called "the psychological wage of whiteness." That is, whites that are marginalized could find comfort, even if psychological, in the fact that they were not non-white. They could revel in the fact that they could be taken as white in opposition to non-white groups. The desire for this wage of whiteness was also what drove many white people, albeit marginalized, to engage in organized violence against non-whites.

Non-white bodies are determined and encoded as criminal and devalued no matter what. The state sanctions whiteness legally but also white bodies are infinitely safer, overly valued and rewarded in the social structure that is white supremacy. 

Nopper scholar of race and lecturer of Sociology and Asian Studies @ U of Penn 2k3                 

Tamara; The White Anti-Racist Is an Oxymoron: An Open Letter to “White Anti-Racists”
http://racetraitor.org/nopper.html

Of course, legal cases such as the Dred Scott Decision along with many different naturalization cases involving Asian individuals, has helped to encode a state-sanctioned definition of whiteness. But there are other ways in which white people can be racialized as white by the state. They are not stopped while driving as much as non-white people. Their homes and businesses are not raided and searched as much by police officers, INS or License and Inspections (LandI). White people's bodies are not tracked and locked up in prisons, detention centers, juvenile systems, detention halls in classrooms, "special education" classes, etc. White people's bodies are not generally the site of fear, repulsion, violent desire, or hatred. Now some might point out to me that  white people are followed, tracked and harassed by individuals and state agents such as the police. This is true. Some white women get sexually harassed and experience state-sanctioned discrimination. Queer whites are the subject of homophobia, whether by individuals or by the state through laws and the police. Some queer whites are harassed by cops. Activist whites are stopped by police. White people who play rap music and wear gear are stopped by cops. Poor whites can be criminalized, especially by the state around welfare issues. What I want to point out is that, while I do not condone police violence and harassment, there is a way in which white people will not be viewed as inherently criminal or suspect unless they are perceived as doing something that breaks particular norms. Conversely, other racial groups, particularly Blacks and Native Americans, are considered inherently criminal no matter what they do, what their sexual identity is or what they wear. Further, it has always struck me as interesting that there are white people who will attempt to wear what signifies "Blackness," whether it is dreadlocks (which, in my opinion, should be cut off from every white person's head), "gear," or Black masks at rallies. There is a sick way in which white people want to emulate that which is considered "badass" about a certain existential position of Blackness at the same time they do not want the burden of living as a non-white person. Further, it really strikes me as fucked up the way in which white people will go to rallies and taunt the police with Black masks in order to bring on police pressure. What does it mean when Blackness is strategically used by whites to bring on police violence? Now I know that somewhere there is a dreadlocked, smelly white anarchist who is reading this message and who is angry with me for not understanding the logic of the Black masks and its roots in anarchism. But I would challenge these people to consider how they are reproducing a violence towards Blackness in their attempts to taunt and challenge the police in their efforts.Now back to my point that white anti-racism is an oxymoron. Whiteness is a social and political construct rooted in white supremacy. White supremacy is a structure and system of beliefs rooted in European and US imperialism in which certain racialized bodies (non-white) are selected for premature negation whether through cultural, physical, psychological genocide, containment or other forms of social death. White supremacy is at the heart of the US social system and civil society. In short, white supremacy is not just a series of practices or privilege, but a larger social structure and system of domination that overly-values and rewards those who are racialized as white. The rest of us are constructed as undeserving to be considered human, although there is significant variation within non-white populations of how our bodies are encoded, treated and (de)valued.

When one is white their identity is linked to the history of white oppression and hegemony. One cannot simply denounce their whiteness in some form; white bodies must have their social position, their relationship of domination, their comfort and even their beings destroyed. 

Nopper scholar of race and lecturer of Sociology and Asian Studies @ U of Penn 2k3                 

Tamara; The White Anti-Racist Is an Oxymoron: An Open Letter to “White Anti-Racists” http://racetraitor.org/nopper.html

Now, for one to claim whiteness, one also is invested in white supremacy. Whiteness itself is a political term that emerged among European white ethnics in the US. These European ethnics, many of them reviled, chose to cast their lot with whiteness rather than that with those who had been determined as non-white. In short, anyone who claims to be white, even a white anti-racist, is identifying with a history of European imperialism and racism transported and further developed into the US. However, this does not mean that white people who go around saying dumb things such as "I am not white! I am a human being!" or, "I left whiteness and joined the human race," or my favorite, "I hate white people! They're stupid" are not structurally white. Remember, whiteness is a structure of domination embedded in our social relations, institutions, discourses, and practices. Don't tell me you're not white but then when we go out in the street and the police don't bother you or people don't ask you if you're a prostitute, or if people don't follow you and touch you at will, act like that does not make a difference in our lives. -Rather, white people need to be willing to have their very social position, their very relationship of domination, their very authority, their very being...let go, perhaps even destroyed. I know this might sound scary, but that is really not my concern. I am not interested in making white people, even those so-called good-hearted anti-racist whites, comfortable about their position in struggles that shape my life in ways that it will never shape theirs. I recently finished the biography of John Brown by DuBois. The biography was less of a biography and more of an interpretation by DuBois about the now-legendary white abolitionist. Now while John Brown's practice was problematic in many ways--he still had to be in control and he had fucked-up views that Blacks were still enslaved because they were too "servile" (a white supremacist sentiment)--what I took from Brown's life was that he realized that moral persuasion alone would not solve racial problems. That is, whites cannot talk or just think through whiteness and structures of white supremacy. They must be committed to either picking up arms for other people (and only firing when the people tell them so), dying for other people, or just getting out of the way. In short, they must be willing to do what the people most affected and marginalized by a situation tell them to do. Now I am sure that right now there are some white people saying that other people cannot understand what is going on, that they do not have the critical analysis to figure stuff out, or that non-white people have fucked up ideas. This is just white supremacist bullshit because it is rooted in the idea that non-white people have not interpreted their experiences and cannot run things themselves. It also assumes that there are not internal conversations within communities--which I do not think white people need to be privy to or participate in--in which people struggle out their own visions for society and how to go about achieving them. In short, this perspective by whites that non-white people cannot be in control of our own destinies is rooted in a paternally-racist approach to non-white people. Further, it is also rooted in the idea that white people are not racist or do not benefit from racism. Rather, white people at meetings will often discuss how they feel "silenced" by non-whites, or that they are being "put in their place." Let me make one thing clear: it is impossible for a non-white person to put a white person in her place. This is not to say that non-white people cannot have a sexist or homophobic attitude towards a white person. But to say, or even hint at that as a "WHITE" person someone is being put in their place--whoever says this just needs to shut the fuck up because that is some bull. It is impossible for whiteness to be put in one's place, because that is a part of whiteness, the ability to take up space and feel a prerogative to do so. Further, the idea that white people are being put into their place relies on the neo-conservative view of reverse racism that has characterized the backlash against non-whites, especially Blacks, in the post-civil rights era. So when you say these types of things you are actually helping to reproduce a neo-conservative racial rhetoric which relies on the myth of the "threatened" and "displaced" white person.

White anti-racism and white activism has an extreme solvency deficit which is that is predicated on an economy of gratitude where oppressed people are supposed to be grateful that white people want to work for what they think is our benefit and that they should be rewarded for their acts. This mindset makes white people the most valued people above all “others” and makes people of color squatters in the project of life. 

Nopper scholar of race and lecturer of Sociology and Asian Studies @ U of Penn 2k3                

Tamara; The White Anti-Racist Is an Oxymoron: An Open Letter to “White Anti-Racists” http://racetraitor.org/nopper.html

Additionally, white activism, especially white anti-racism, is predicated on an economy of gratitude. We are supposed to be grateful that a white person is willing to work with non-white people. We are supposed to be grateful that you actually want to work with us and that you give us your resources. I would like to know why you have those resources and others do not? And don't assume that just because I have to ask you for resources that it does not hurt me, pain me even. Don't assume that when you come into the space, that doesn't bother me. Don't assume that when you talk first, talk the most, and talk the most often, that this doesn't hurt me. Don't assume that when I see you get the attention and accolades and the book deals and the speaking engagements that this does not hurt me (because you profit off of pain). And don't assume that when I see how grateful non-white people are to you for being there, for being a "good white" person that this doesn't hurt me. And don't assume that when I get chastised by non-white people because I think your presence is unnecessary that it does not hurt me. Because all of these things remind me of how powerless non-white people are (albeit differently) in relation to white people. All of these gestures that you do reminds me of how grateful I am supposed to be towards you because you actually (or supposedly) care about what is happening to me. I am a bit resentful of economies of gratitude. Further, this structure of white supremacy known as white anti-racism also impacts the larger social world because it still makes white people the most valued people. Non-white people are forced to feel dependent and grateful to white people who will actually interact with us. We are made to feel that we are inferior, incapable, that we really do need white people. And the sad thing is, that given all of the resources that whiteness has and that white people get and control, there is an element of material truth in all of this, I am afraid. But white people need to think of how their activism reproduces the actual structure of white supremacy some--not all whites activists--profess to be about. This structure of white supremacy is not just in an activist space, it actually touches upon and impinges on the lives of non-white people who may not be activists (in your sense) or who do not interact with you in activist worlds. But consider what your presence means in a community that you decide to set up your community garden in, or your bookstore in, or your meeting space in, or have your march in. What does it mean when you decide that you want to be "with" the oppressed and you end up displacing them? Just because you walk around with your dreadlocks, or decide that you will not wear expensive clothes does not mean that your whiteness does not displace people in the spaces you decide to put yourself in. How do you help to bring more forms of authority and control in a neighborhood, whether through increased rent and housing costs, more policing, or just the ways in which your white bodies can make people feel, as a brilliant friend of mine once asked, "squatters in somebody else's project"?

Whiteness needs to die as a social structure and all white people who want to work in the interest of people of color should submit their entire self to the whim and interest of people of color with no questions ask and no rewards.

Nopper scholar of race and lecturer of Sociology and Asian Studies @ U of Penn 2k3                 

Tamara; The White Anti-Racist Is an Oxymoron: An Open Letter to “White Anti-Racists” http://racetraitor.org/nopper.html

So what does this mean for the future of white anti-racists? This might mean to first, figure out ways in which whiteness needs to die as a social structure and as an identity in which you organize your anti-racist work. What this looks like in practice may not be so clear but I will attempt to give some suggestions here. First, don't call us, we'll call you. If we need your resources, we will contact you. But don't show up, flaunt your power in our faces and then get angry when we resent the fact that you have so many resources we don't and that we are not grateful for this arrangement. And don't get mad because you can't make decisions in the process. Why do you need to? Secondly, stop speaking for us. We can talk for ourselves. Third, stop trying to point out internal contradictions in our communities, we know what they are, we are struggling around them, and I really do not know how white people can be helpful to non- whites to clear these up. Fourth, don't ever say some shit to me about how you feel silenced, marginalized, discriminated against, or put in your place. Period. Finally, start thinking of what it would mean, in terms of actual structured social arrangements, for whiteness and white identity--even the white antiracist kind (because there really is no redeemable or reformed white identity)--to be destroyed.In conclusion, I want to say to anyone who thinks that this is too academic or abstract, I write as a non-white person, meaning that from my body, my person, I experience white supremacy. I also draw my understanding of white supremacy from non-white people, many engaged in various struggles of activism, but most importantly just to speak out and stay alive. They did not get accolades from many for speaking out but instead experienced constant threats on their lives for just existing and doing the work that they did. Moreover, I want to know when a discussion of whiteness, white supremacy and domination became seen as abstract and not rooted in the everyday concrete reality that we experience?

Tournament: Lexington | Round: 1 | Opponent: idr | Judge: idr
Right now, you’re in the presence of the product of an anti-black system. The same way that the resolution marks us for death now, my Taino and Incan ancestry were marked for rape by White European Colonialism. Just like we were told it’s either be raped or be killed, the resolution tells us it’s either kill ourselves or let ourselves die. This is a completely WHITE mindset. The Tainos and the Incans never had to rape the earth to feed and clothe themselves.

Because we need to reject the false dichotomy of the resolution I negate.

For centuries the Western world has been the first-hand oppressor of the brown earth and its black inhabitants. Before the colonialism and the expansion of white supremacy, the interaction Africans and indigenous people had with the earth was one of positive nature. Influenced by ideas of domination, destruction, and exploitation, resource extraction has become closely associated with the destruction of the earth. We have to RUPTURE white existence in order to solve for all of their impacts.

CURRY 13 :

Dr. Tommy ; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical” Academia.edu associate Prof of Philosophy @ Texas AandM

Racism is not unethical simply because it is a moral affront to the allegedly generalizable Western/white/enlightenment notion of humanity extended to Blacks by the liberal synonymy of citizenship. Racism is unethical, immoral, because it re-presents—makes known in the present— and acts to capture the Blacks urging the acknowledgment of racism in the ontological entity of modernity’s greatest oppression—the slave; the non-human. It is the historical event of their inhumanity introduced by modernity that allows the white to retreat so easily into the rationalization of their death and dehumanization. It is the memory of slavery, which motivates the white’s attachment to the contingency of Black life, and ultimately concludes that racism, while unfortunate, is/was necessary for America/the West, the world to exist and humanity/the citizen to reach its historical/imperial apex. Thus, MAN, the onto-anthropological basis of humanity and the cultural values that are simultaneously birthed to project humanity into existence is the origin of the oppressive conceptualizations of the other. Oppression “as is” was born out of and sustained by the exclusive morality of white/Western humanity against the barbarism imposed on the Black/African. As such, the nigger born of racism is behind all oppressions, since “it” is the cultural/epistemological/historical ontology to be deterred/ameliorated by being ethically deliberated upon—the nigger is the moral rock bottom of dehumanization. The oppressed is made nigger through dehumanization; the product of absolute debasement, while morality/virtue the valuations of ethics itself is reified perpetually by the activity of whiteness; its perpetual commanding of morality to conform to and justify their existence as the human. As Karen Gange writes in “On the Obsolence of Disciplines (2007), The shift out of our present conception of Man, out of our present “World System”—the one that places people of African descent and the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless, jobless, and criminalized damned as the zero-most factor of Other to Western Man’s Self—has to be first and foremost a cultural shift, not an economic one. Until such a rupture in our conception of being human is brought forth, such “sociological” concerns as that of the vast global and local economic inequalities, immigration, labor policies, struggles about race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and struggles over the environment, global warming, and distribution of world resources, will remain status quo. Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. In short, seeing whites as they are is the proof that Black consciousness has shifted our present conception of man and has found a new teleological/cultural orientation; an endarkening path towards a new humanity.  

THUS, THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO RUPTURE WHITE EXISTENCE.

I CONTEND THAT THE AFFIRMATIVE FAILS TO EMBRACE THE INCOHERENCE OF THE BLACK OBJECT SIMPLY RESTRUCTURING THE SYSTEM OF WHITE SUPREMACY.

WILDERSON 03 :

Professor UCI, 2003 (Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent) Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, CQ)

The black American subject does not generate historical categories of entitlement, sover¬eignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with respect to the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but not a heri¬tage. To the data-generating demands of the Historical Axis, we present a vir¬tual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological Axis. This places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is outside the articulations of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony in a structurally impossible position because—and this is key—our presence works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence. If every subject— even-the most massacred among them, Indians—is required to have analogs within the nations structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject on whom the nations order of wealth was built is without analog, then that sub¬jects presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra¬tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

REPARATIONS ALT

Wilderson and Howard

FW Reparations suggests a conceptually coherent loss. The loss of land, the loss of labor power, etc. In other words, there has to be some form of articulation between the party that has lost and the party that has gained for reparations to make sense. No such articulation exists between Blacks and the world. This is, ironically, precisely why I support the Reparations Movement; but my emphasis, my energies, my points of attention are on the word “Movement” and not on the word “Reparation.” I support the movement because I know it is a movement toward the end of the world; a movement toward a catastrophe in epistemological coherence and institutional integrity—I support the movement aspect of it because I know that repair is impossible; and any struggle that can act as a stick up artist to the world, demanding all that it cannot give( which is everything ), is a movement toward something so blindingly new that it cannot be imagined. This is the only thing that will save us. PH As a Psychotherapist, I was very interested to see your contrasting Frantz Fanon and Lacan concerning their conceptualizations of potential paths to “emancipation in the libidinal economy”, as you put it. I am ashamed to admit that I have never read Fanon, but have read Lacan. Please illuminate  your idea that the stark difference in their conceptualizations of conflict/antagonism differ are based on the fact that Lacan would  still see Blacks as fundamentally situated in personhood, but that Fannon (and yourself) see Blacks as “situated a priori in absolute dereliction”. FW This is a big question, too big for a concise answer—I think I take about thirty to forty pages to try and get my head around this in the book. But the key to the answer lies in the concept of “contemporaries.” Fanon rather painfully and meticulously shows us how the human race is a community of “contemporaries.” In addition, this community vouchsafes its coherence (it knows its borders) through the presence of Blacks. If Blacks became part of the human community then the concept of “contemporaries” would have no outside; and if it had no outside it could have no inside. Lacan assumes the category and thus he imagines the analysand’s problem in terms of how to live without neurosis among ones contemporaries. Fanon interrogates the category itself. For Lacan the analysands suffer psychically due to problems  extant within the paradigm of contemporaries. For Fanon, the analysand   suffers due to the existence of the contemporaries themselves and the fact that s/he is a stimulus for anxiety for those who have contemporaries. Now, a contemporary’s struggles are conflictual—that is to say, they can be resolved because they are problems that are of- and in the world. But a Blacks problems are the stuff of antagonisms: struggles that cannot be resolved between parties but can only be resolved through the obliteration of one or both of the parties. We are faced—when dealing with the Black—with a set of psychic problems that cannot be resolved through any form of symbolic intervention such as psychoanalysis—though addressing them psychoanalytically we can begin to explain the antagonism (as I have done in my book, and as Fanon does), but it won’t lead us to a cure.

Tournament: Lexington | Round: 1 | Opponent: idr | Judge: idr
Right now, you’re in the presence of the product of an anti-black system. The same way that the resolution marks us for death now, my Taino and Incan ancestry were marked for rape by White European Colonialism. Just like we were told it’s either be raped or be killed, the resolution tells us it’s either kill ourselves or let ourselves die. This is a completely WHITE mindset. The Tainos and the Incans never had to rape the earth to feed and clothe themselves.

Because we need to reject the false dichotomy of the resolution I negate.

For centuries the Western world has been the first-hand oppressor of the brown earth and its black inhabitants. Before the colonialism and the expansion of white supremacy, the interaction Africans and indigenous people had with the earth was one of positive nature. Influenced by ideas of domination, destruction, and exploitation, resource extraction has become closely associated with the destruction of the earth. We have to RUPTURE white existence in order to solve for all of their impacts.

CURRY 13 :

Dr. Tommy ; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical” Academia.edu associate Prof of Philosophy @ Texas AandM

Racism is not unethical simply because it is a moral affront to the allegedly generalizable Western/white/enlightenment notion of humanity extended to Blacks by the liberal synonymy of citizenship. Racism is unethical, immoral, because it re-presents—makes known in the present— and acts to capture the Blacks urging the acknowledgment of racism in the ontological entity of modernity’s greatest oppression—the slave; the non-human. It is the historical event of their inhumanity introduced by modernity that allows the white to retreat so easily into the rationalization of their death and dehumanization. It is the memory of slavery, which motivates the white’s attachment to the contingency of Black life, and ultimately concludes that racism, while unfortunate, is/was necessary for America/the West, the world to exist and humanity/the citizen to reach its historical/imperial apex. Thus, MAN, the onto-anthropological basis of humanity and the cultural values that are simultaneously birthed to project humanity into existence is the origin of the oppressive conceptualizations of the other. Oppression “as is” was born out of and sustained by the exclusive morality of white/Western humanity against the barbarism imposed on the Black/African. As such, the nigger born of racism is behind all oppressions, since “it” is the cultural/epistemological/historical ontology to be deterred/ameliorated by being ethically deliberated upon—the nigger is the moral rock bottom of dehumanization. The oppressed is made nigger through dehumanization; the product of absolute debasement, while morality/virtue the valuations of ethics itself is reified perpetually by the activity of whiteness; its perpetual commanding of morality to conform to and justify their existence as the human. As Karen Gange writes in “On the Obsolence of Disciplines (2007), The shift out of our present conception of Man, out of our present “World System”—the one that places people of African descent and the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless, jobless, and criminalized damned as the zero-most factor of Other to Western Man’s Self—has to be first and foremost a cultural shift, not an economic one. Until such a rupture in our conception of being human is brought forth, such “sociological” concerns as that of the vast global and local economic inequalities, immigration, labor policies, struggles about race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and struggles over the environment, global warming, and distribution of world resources, will remain status quo. Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. In short, seeing whites as they are is the proof that Black consciousness has shifted our present conception of man and has found a new teleological/cultural orientation; an endarkening path towards a new humanity.  

THUS, THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO RUPTURE WHITE EXISTENCE.

I CONTEND THAT THE AFFIRMATIVE FAILS TO EMBRACE THE INCOHERENCE OF THE BLACK OBJECT SIMPLY RESTRUCTURING THE SYSTEM OF WHITE SUPREMACY.

WILDERSON 03 :

Professor UCI, 2003 (Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent) Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, CQ)

The black American subject does not generate historical categories of entitlement, sover¬eignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with respect to the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but not a heri¬tage. To the data-generating demands of the Historical Axis, we present a vir¬tual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological Axis. This places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is outside the articulations of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony in a structurally impossible position because—and this is key—our presence works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence. If every subject— even-the most massacred among them, Indians—is required to have analogs within the nations structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject on whom the nations order of wealth was built is without analog, then that sub¬jects presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra¬tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

REPARATIONS ALT

Wilderson and Howard

FW Reparations suggests a conceptually coherent loss. The loss of land, the loss of labor power, etc. In other words, there has to be some form of articulation between the party that has lost and the party that has gained for reparations to make sense. No such articulation exists between Blacks and the world. This is, ironically, precisely why I support the Reparations Movement; but my emphasis, my energies, my points of attention are on the word “Movement” and not on the word “Reparation.” I support the movement because I know it is a movement toward the end of the world; a movement toward a catastrophe in epistemological coherence and institutional integrity—I support the movement aspect of it because I know that repair is impossible; and any struggle that can act as a stick up artist to the world, demanding all that it cannot give( which is everything ), is a movement toward something so blindingly new that it cannot be imagined. This is the only thing that will save us. PH As a Psychotherapist, I was very interested to see your contrasting Frantz Fanon and Lacan concerning their conceptualizations of potential paths to “emancipation in the libidinal economy”, as you put it. I am ashamed to admit that I have never read Fanon, but have read Lacan. Please illuminate  your idea that the stark difference in their conceptualizations of conflict/antagonism differ are based on the fact that Lacan would  still see Blacks as fundamentally situated in personhood, but that Fannon (and yourself) see Blacks as “situated a priori in absolute dereliction”. FW This is a big question, too big for a concise answer—I think I take about thirty to forty pages to try and get my head around this in the book. But the key to the answer lies in the concept of “contemporaries.” Fanon rather painfully and meticulously shows us how the human race is a community of “contemporaries.” In addition, this community vouchsafes its coherence (it knows its borders) through the presence of Blacks. If Blacks became part of the human community then the concept of “contemporaries” would have no outside; and if it had no outside it could have no inside. Lacan assumes the category and thus he imagines the analysand’s problem in terms of how to live without neurosis among ones contemporaries. Fanon interrogates the category itself. For Lacan the analysands suffer psychically due to problems  extant within the paradigm of contemporaries. For Fanon, the analysand   suffers due to the existence of the contemporaries themselves and the fact that s/he is a stimulus for anxiety for those who have contemporaries. Now, a contemporary’s struggles are conflictual—that is to say, they can be resolved because they are problems that are of- and in the world. But a Blacks problems are the stuff of antagonisms: struggles that cannot be resolved between parties but can only be resolved through the obliteration of one or both of the parties. We are faced—when dealing with the Black—with a set of psychic problems that cannot be resolved through any form of symbolic intervention such as psychoanalysis—though addressing them psychoanalytically we can begin to explain the antagonism (as I have done in my book, and as Fanon does), but it won’t lead us to a cure.

Tournament: Greenhill | Round: 1 | Opponent: Peninsula AT | Judge: Jared Woods
V: Democracy

State = biggest threat to Democracy

Michel Foucault
Chair in the History of Systems of Thought, College de France, 1976 The History of Sexuality, Volume I: An introduction, pg 135 - 140

Since the Classical age
AND
phenomena of the population

Standard: Minimize Biopower

Cont. I CV conflates Biopower

Wilderson K

Root cause = social death due to the Middle Passage

Frank Wilderson
Red, White, and Black. Associate Professor of African American studies and drama at the University of California.

Regarding the Black position
AND
awaits an answer

Blackness became the site of absolute dereliction; the metric against which we measure all other bodies.

Frank Wilderson
the prison Slave as Hegemonyand#39;s (Silent) Scandal

Fanon (1968:37) writes,
AND
phobogenic object (Fanon).

We must increase individual and social agency to solve

Henry Giroux
Reading Hurrican Katrina: Race, class and the biopolitics of disposability. 

Any viable attempt to
AND
of the United States

INCENTIVES CP

The best alternative is to incentivize voting

Raymond Raja and Brian Schafner
University of Massachusetts Department of Political Science. and#34;Buying voters: the effect of financial incentives on intentions to vote.and#34;

The results of this study suggests
AND
the Collective good (Thaler and Sunstein 2008)

Tournament: Any | Round: 1 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any
Cone 2004, James professor of systematic theology @Union Theological Seminary 2k4 “A Black Theology of Liberation Anniversary Edition” originally published in 1970 pgs. 132-133

Participation in divine liberation places the church squarely in the context of the world. Its existence is inseparable from worldly involvement. Black theology cannot say that the “church is the world” or the “world is the church” (as implied in some secular theologies), but it does affirm that the church cannot be the church in isolation from the concrete realities of human suffering. The world is earthly existence, the place where human beings are enslaved. It is where laws are passed against the oppressed, and where the oppressed fight back even though their efforts seem futile. The world is where white and black persons live, encountering each other, the latter striving for a little more room to breathe and the former doing everything possible to destroy black reality.

The world is not a metaphysical entity or an ontological problem, as some philosophers and theologians would have us believe. It is very concrete. It is punching clocks, taking orders, fighting rats, and being kicked around by officers. It is where the oppressed live. Jews encountered it in concentration camps, Amerindians on reservations, and blacks on slave ships, in cotton fields, and in “dark” ghettoes. The world is white persons, the degrading rules they make for the “underprivileged,” and their guilt dispelling recourse to political and theological slogans about the welfares society “as a whole”. In short, the world is where the brutal reality of inhumanity makes it ungodly, appearance, turning persons into animals.
                                                                                                                     
Because the church knows that the world is where human beings are dehumanized, it can neither retreat from the world nor replace it. Retreating is tantamount to a denial of its calling to share in divine liberation. It is a complete misunderstanding of the Christ-event, which demands radical, worldly involvement in behalf of the oppressed. Retreating is navel-gazing, a luxury that oppressed persons cannot afford. Only oppressors can turn upon themselves and worship their own projected image and define it as God. Persons who live in the real world have to encounter the concreteness of suffering without the suburbs as a place to retreat. To be oppressed is to encounter the overwhelming presence of human evil without any place to escape. Either we submit or we rebel, knowing that our physical lives are at stake.

Tournament: Bump | Round: 2 | Opponent: Bronx | Judge: Jay cumming
HOME THEORY

There is no place like home.

On April 2, 2013, history was made. Elijah Smith and Ryan Wash dominated and took the NDT championship right after winning CEDA only a week before.

There is no place like home.

The winning speech was about bringing debate back home. Debate is different for all of us. It has different meanings to all of us. What debate means to me is different from my peer in the next room. For some of us, it helps us look good on application. For some of us, we do it to kill time. And for some of us debate is everything because…

There is no place like home.

And debate is our home. 

But no one said it was a humble one.

The same Elijah Smith and his partner Christopher Randall competed at the prestigious Kentucky College tournament in October and dominated the circuit as the top seed only to drop in quarters. This same powerhouse team, however, was not invited to the round robin. When they asked why, they were told their coach was not qualified enough to get them ready for the round robin in time—the same coach who has coached the Rutgers Debate team which ranks #1 in the Northeast.

There is no place like home.

But when you make history and get denied an invite to a round robin which invites the “best” in the country; when you spend hours doing prefs in order to get judges who would just LISTEN to your arguments;, when you have to forfeit your first round at Yale due to “miscommunication” and “mishandling”; when you have to make that “extra” move in your bid round at Bronx because you need to PROVE why racism is bad, when debaters say we can harmlessly kill animals like we did that guy Troy Davis, when judges like Devin Race conclude their ballots by hypothetically defending you being lynched you start to realize…

There is NO home…for us in this debate community.

Because the debate community continues to marginalize the voices of the minorities in debate, I protest.

THE CURRENT STYLSTIC NORMS OF DEBATE CONTINUE TO MARGINALIZE MY IDENTITY ALONG WITH THE IDENTITY OF ALL OF MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS. 

IF YOU WANT TO DEBATE AND DO WELL YOU HAVE TO COMMIT CULTURAL SUICIDE.

BRINKLEY 08 :
SHANARA ROSE REID-BRINKLEY 2008 “THE HARSH REALITIES OF “ACTING BLACK”: HOW AFRICAN-AMERICAN POLICY DEBATERS NEGOTIATE REPRESENTATION THROUGH RACIAL PERFORMANCE AND STYLE”

The stylistic norms of the policy debate community are inextricably attached to the social performance of identity. In other words, if the stylistic norms privilege the stylistic choices of white, straight, economically privileged males, as is clearly indicated by their statistical representation at the heights of competitive success, then difference marks one as other unless the individual performs according to those stylistic and identity-based norms. Racially and/or ethnically different bodies must perform themselves according to the cultural norms of the debate community. For UDL students it can often mean changing one’s appearance, standardizing language practices, and eschewing cultural practices at least while participating in debate. In essence, students of color are performatively “whitened” in order to have an opportunity for achieving in debate competitions. “Acting black” or brown is problematic because those performative identities are not privileged in terms of successful participation. In fact, they signify a difference, an opposite, a negative differential. It is not that the debate community actively operates to exclude based on race, instead it is an exclusion based on racial performance, in other words, how the differentially colored body chooses to style itself. 

EVERY SATURDAY, WE COME TO A DEBATE TOURNAMENT TO FIGHT INJUSTICE ONLY TO BE CULTURALLY LYNCHED.

WHEN COMPETITORS ADVOCATE FOR LYNCHING UNDER MORAL SKEPTICISM OR JUSTIFYING SLAVERY IT IS NO WONDER YOU COULD COUNT THE NUMBER OF BLACK KIDS AT A DEBATE TOURNAMENT ON YOUR FINGERS.

WISE  04:
Ex debater and master in Political Science, White like me reflections on race from a privileged son in 2004. Tim Wise.

In this way, competitive debate reinforces whiteness and affluence as normative conditions, and makes the process far more attractive to affluent white students. Kids of color and working-class youth of all colors are simply not as likely to gravitate to an activity where pretty much half the time they’ll be forced to take positions that, if implemented in the real world, might devastate their families and communities. Because debaters are encouraged to think about life or death matters as if they had little consequence beyond a given debate round, the fact that those who have come through the activity go on to hold a disproportionate share of powerful political and legal positions—something about which the National Forensics League has long bragged—is a matter that should concern us all. Being primed to think of serious issues as abstractions increases the risk that the person who has been so primed will reduce everything to a brutal cost-benefit analysis, which rarely prioritizes the needs and interests of luxury society’s less powerful. Rather, it becomes easier at that point to support policies that benefit the haves at the expense of the have-nots, because the damage will be felt by others whom the ex-debaters never met and never had to take seriously. Unless debate is fundamentally transformed—and at this point the only forces for real change, are the squads from Urban Debate Leagues who are clamoring for the different styles of argumentation and different evidentiary standards—it will continue to serve as a staging ground for those whose interests are mostly the interests of the powerful. Until the voices of economically and racially marginalized persons are given equal weight in debate rounds white those of affluent white experts (whose expertise is only presumed because other whites published what they had to say in the first place), the ideas that shape our world will continue to be those of the elite, no matter how destructive these ideas have proven to be for the vast majority of the planet’s inhabitants.

DEBATERS GO BEYOND THIS DEBATE ACTIVITY AND BECOME LAWYERS AND POWERFUL POLITICIANS. THE GEORGE BUSH ADMINISTRATION WAS FULL OF EX-DEBATERS AND FROM DEBATE THEY LEARNED TO NOT WORRY ABOUT THE VOICES OF OPPRESSED. THAT’S WHY THE KATRINA RESPONSE, WHICH ALLOWED BLACK PEOPLE TO DIE EN MASSE, WAS JUSTIFIED BY THE GEORGE BUSH ADMINISTRATION. DEBATE SERVES AS A STAGING GROUND FOR PROMOTING WHITENESS AND UNLESS IT IS FUNDEMANTALLY CHANGED TO BE INCLUSIVE OF OPPRESSED VOICES THESE VIOLENT MENTALITIES WILL CONTINUE TO MANIFEST THEMSELVES.

THUS, THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO ENDORSE THE DEBATER WHO BEST PERFORMS THEIR ADVOCACY EN ROUTE THE LIBERATION OF THE OPPRESSED.

SMITH 13 :
Smith, Elijah. History maker, best assistant coach ever. A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate

It will be uncomfortable, it will be hard, and it will require continued effort but the necessary step in fixing this problem, like all problems, is the community as a whole admitting that such a problem with many “socially acceptable” choices exists in the first place. Like all systems of social control, the reality of racism in debate is constituted by the singular choices that institutions, coaches, and students make on a weekly basis. I have watched countless rounds where competitors attempt to win by rushing to abstractions to distance the conversation from the material reality that black debaters are forced to deal with every day. One of the students I coached, who has since graduated after leaving debate, had an adult judge write out a ballot that concluded by “hypothetically” defending my student being lynched at the tournament. Another debate concluded with a young man defending that we can kill animals humanely, “just like we did that guy Troy Davis”. Community norms would have competitors do intellectual gymnastics or make up rules to accuse black debaters of breaking to escape hard conversations but as someone who understands that experience, the only constructive strategy is to acknowledge the reality of the oppressed, engage the discussion from the perspective of authors who are black and brown, and then find strategies to deal with the issues at hand. It hurts to see competitive seasons come and go and have high school students and judges spew the same hateful things you expect to hear at a Klan rally. A student should not, when presenting an advocacy that aligns them with the oppressed, have to justify why oppression is bad. Debate is not just a game, but a learning environment with liberatory potential. Even if the form debate gives to a conversation is not the same you would use to discuss race in general conversation with Bayard Rustin or Fannie Lou Hamer, that is not a reason we have to strip that conversation of its connection to a reality that black students cannot escape. 

DEBATE WILL NEVER STOP BEING THAT ACTIVITY THAT CONTINOUSLY EXCLUDES THE VOICES OF THE OPPRESSED SO LONG AS ARGUMENTS LIKE THIS ARE IGNORED. SIGNING A NEG BALLOT PROACTIVELY BEGINS TO CHANGE DEBATE BY EITHER INCENTIVIZING DEBATERS TO RUN THESE ARGUMENTS OR BY CREATING A COMMUNITY THROUGH WHICH ARGUMENTS LIKE THESE ARE ACCEPTED AND ACTUALLY ENGAGED WITH.

WILDERSON K

A) LINK: POSITING OUGHT AS A QUESTION OF DESIRE OR OBLIGATION DOES NOT DENY THAT THE META ETHICAL ASSUMPTIONS AND NORMATIVE PRINCIPLES OF CIVIL SOCIETY CANNOT BE SEPERATED FROM THEIR METAPHYSICAL REALITY. CIVIL SOCIETY IS ROOTED IN ANTI-BLACKNESS BECAUSE IT SUTURED ITSELF AT THE EXCLUSION OF THE BLACK BODY THROUGH THE MIDDLE PASSAGE.

PROMOTING CIVIL SOCIETY FURTHERS ANTI-BLACKNESS.

WILDERSON 2k10 :

FRANK B. WILDERSON III “Red, White, and Black” DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS 2010FRANK B. WILDERSON III is an associate professor of African American studies and drama at the University of California, Irvine. He is the author of Incognegro: A Memoir of Exile and Apartheid (2008), winner of the American Book Award. CQ

The imaginary of the state and civil society is parasitic on the Middle Passage. Put another way, No slave, no world. And, in addition, as Patterson argues, no slave is in the world. If, as an ontological position, that is, as a grammar of suffering, the Slave is not a laborer but an anti-Human, a position against which Humanity establishes, maintains, and renews its coherence, its corporeal integrity; if the Slave is, to borrow from Patterson, generally dishonored, perpetually open to gratuitous violence, and void of kinship structure, that is, having no relations that need be recognized, a being outside of relationality, then our analysis cannot be approached through the rubric of gains or reversals in struggles with the state and civil society, not unless and until the interlocutor first explains how the Slave is of the world. The onus is not on one who posits the Master/Slave dichotomy but on the one who argues there is a distinction between Slaveness and Blackness. How, when, and where did such a split occur? The woman at the gates of Columbia University awaits an answer. 

B) IMPACT: THE PROCESS OF THIS HOLOCAUST TURNED PEOPLE INTO OBJECTS, KINGS INTO SLAVES, AND AFRICANS INTO BLACKS. WITHIN THIS ANTI-BLACK PARADIGM, BLACK BODIES BECOME A METRIC AGAINST WHICH ALL OTHER BODIES ARE MEASURED AS A PRODUCT OF CIVIL SOCIETY’S SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION. EVERY DEMONIZED POPULATION BECOMES INSEPARABLE FROM ITS STATUS AS A PHOBOGENIC OBJECT MARKED BLACK.

WILDERSON 03 :
Professor UCI, 2003 (Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent) Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, CQ)

Fanon (1968: 37) writes, "decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Svmbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the Black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the Black body functions as the map of gratuitous violence through which civil society is possible: namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for Blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history, and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog - a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says Black, and whoever says "AIDS" says Black (Sexton) - the "Negro is a phobogenic object" (Fanon).

AND, THEIR ATTEMPTS TO FREE PEOPLE THROUGH USE OF THE STATE ARE NOT ONLY FUTILE BUT ACTUALLY MAKES THE ISSUES OF OPPRESSION WORSE. THE OPPRESSED SLAVE PERFECTS THE PROCESS OF SLAVERY WHEN IT FREELY BOWS DOWN TO THE POWER OF THE STATE AND BEGS THE OPPRESSOR TO FREE THEM. TRAYVON MARTIN’S PARENTS EXPERIENCED THAT FIRST HAND WHEN THEY PURSUED JUSTICE FOR THEIR SON ONLY TO BE SLAPPED IN THE FACE BY THE AMERICAN CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM.

FARLEY 07 :                                                    
Associate Professor, Boston College Law School. Farley, Anthony N.Y.U. Rev. L. and Soc. Change 613 2006-2007 “LAW AS TRAUMA and REPETITION. CR

Slavery is death, death only, and that continually. Sometimes someone gets away, apparently unharmed, from an accident, from a death that they only belatedly and incompletely apprehend, only to develop a neurosis, or a psychosis. The Middle Passage is akin to such an accident and the history of the Emancipation, the struggle for equal justice under law, is just such a neurosis, or, when slavery perfects itself, just such a psychosis. The slave is made so by law. The slave, following Emancipation, makes law. And that law, in turn, makes slaves who make laws that make slaves who make laws and so on and on and on. The instrument of repression-the equal rights that are thought to turn away the white-over-black imperative-becomes the vehicle of return for that very same imperative. The emancipated slave endlessly defers the Emancipation by its endless deference to the rule of law. The struggle for law is the slave's symptom, the symptom of slavery, of death, of death's presence and practice in the renunciation of the future in favor of a not-understood past. There is no rule of law. There are the rulers and the ruled, each bound to its Other by its own forgetting. To see this, one has only to pay attention to the undernetting and the hand we play in our own forgetting. The cage door opens and the lion emerges. In the dreambook, the coming of such a day appears in the form of glad tidings of great joy. In dreams, our eyes have seen the glory but, alas, the bright morning never comes. The dreambook records scene-shifts from slavery to segregation to neosegregation, from white over-black to white-over-black to white-over-black, from slavery to its perfection, from harmony to harmony. What is true of the cage is true of the text. The lion cannot read its own dreambook. In both cases-and they are really one-each being the other side of the same lock, the lion lacks the key. The manifest content of the dreambook conceals something, something that would disturb and so must remain securely within the undernetting. What disturbs sleep is the very condition that the lion attempts to escape through dreaming. The dreambook, read using the cage itself as the interpretive key, shows only the movement from white-over-black to white-over-black to white-over-black, like iron bars. Neosegregation is white-over-black, segregation is white-over-black, and slavery is white-over-black. White-over black is the inaugural moment of slavery; slavery is death, death only, and that continually. The latent content of the dreambook, then, is the desire for death. The slave professes death through its appeal to the law, an appeal that takes place only after its so-called Emancipation. After Emancipation, the slave bows down before the law. The slave prays for legal relief. The slave thus submits to the rule of law. The rule of law is the slave's own creation. The rule of law is the trauma-conceived idea that escapes the slave's mind only to stand over and above the slave as a god. The slave becomes truly a slave only after its so-called Emancipation. 

C) ALT: THE BALLOT MUST BE AN UNFLINCHING PARADIGMATIC ANALYSIS THAT POSES THE QUESTION OF WHETHER CIVIL SOCIETY IS ETHICAL AND SHOULD EXIST. THE AFFIRMATIVE’S WAY OF APPROACHING THE WORLD FORCLOSES OUR ABILITY TO ASK THE RIGHT QUESTIONS.

WILDERSON 2k10 :
FRANK B. WILDERSON III “Red, White, and Black” DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS 2010FRANK B. WILDERSON III is an associate professor of African American studies and drama at the University of California, Irvine. He is the author of Incognegro: A Memoir of Exile and Apartheid (2008), winner of the American Book Award. CQ

STRANGE AS it might seem, this book project began in South Africa. During the last years of apartheid I worked for revolutionary change in both an underground and above-ground capacity, for the Charterist Movement in general and the ANC in particular. During this period, I began to see how essential an unflinching paradigmatic analysis is to a movement dedicated to the complete overthrow of an existing order. The neoliberal compromises that the radical elements of the Chartist Movement made with the moderate elements were due, in large part, to our inability or unwillingness to hold the moderates' feet to the fire of a political agenda predicated on an unflinching paradigmatic analysis. Instead, we allowed our energies and points of attention to be displaced by and onto pragmatic considerations. Simply put, we abdicated the power to pose the question—and the power to pose the question is the greatest power of all. Elsewhere, I have written about this unfortunate turn of events (Incognegro: A Memoir of Exile and Apartheid), so I'll not rehearse the details here. Suffice it to say, this book germinated in the many political and academic discussions and debates that I was fortunate enough to be a part of at a historic moment and in a place where the word revolution was spoken in earnest, free of qualifiers and irony. For their past and ongoing ideas and interventions, I extend solidarity and appreciation to comrades Amanda Alexander, Franco Barchiesi, Teresa Barnes, Patrick Bond, Ashwin Desai, Nigel Gibson, Steven Greenberg, Allan Horowitz, Bushy Kelebonye (deceased), Tefu Kelebonye, Ulrike Kistner, Kamogelo Lekubu, Andile Mngxitama, Prishani Naidoo, John Shai, and S'bu Zulu.

Tournament: Greenhill invitational | Round: 6 | Opponent: Bronx Science ID | Judge: Keohane, Michelle
V: Freedom

Top down approaches never work; liberation must be bottom up

Paulo Freire
Pedagogy of the Oppressed, PhD in philosophy, 1968

This, then, is the
AND
clothed in false generosity

Standard: The liberation of the oppressed

Contention: CV is oppressive and masks it

Tesi di Dottorato di jan Rovensky
Voting: A Citizens right or duty? The case against Compulsory Voting.

Non-financial sanctions make up
AND
polling booth (Hartmann, Hassal, and Santos Jr. 2001)

CV masks these regimes

Rovensky 2
ibid

Secondly, as we have seen
AND
efforts of CV supporters

Tournament: Any | Round: 1 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any
OMOLADE 1984 :

Barbara-a historian of black women for the past twenty years and an organizer in both the women’s and civil rights/black power movements; Women of Color and the Nuclear Holocaust; WOMEN’S STUDIES QUARTERLY, Vaol. 12., No. 2, Teaching about Peace, War, and Women in the Military, Summer, p. 12; http://www.jstor.org/stable/4004305 City College Center for Worker Education in New York City

In April, 1979, the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency released a report on the effects of nuclear war that concludes that, in a general nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union, 25 to 100 million people would be killed.  This is approximately the same number of African people who died between 1492 and 1890 as a result of the African slave trade to the New World.  The same federal report also comments on the destruction of urban housing that would cause massive shortages after a nuclear war, as well as on the crops that would be lost, causing massive food shortages.  Of course, for people of color the world over, starvation is already a common problem, when, for example, a nation’s crops are grown for export rather than to feed its own people.  And the housing of people of color throughout the world’s urban areas is already blighted and inhumane:  families live in shacks, shanty towns, or on the streets; even in the urban areas of North America, the poor may live without heat or running water.   For people of color, the world as we knew it ended centuries ago.  Our world, with its own languages, customs and ways, ended.  And we are only now beginning to see with increasing clarity that our task is to reclaim that world, struggle for it, and rebuild it in our own image.  The “death culture” we live in has convinced many to be more concerned with death than with life, more willing to demonstrate for “survival at any cost” than to struggle for liberty and peace with dignity.  Nuclear disarmament becomes a safe issue when it is not linked to the daily and historic issues of racism, to the ways in which people of color continue to be murdered.  Acts of war, nuclear holocausts, and genocide have already been declared on our jobs, our housing, our schools, our families, and our lands. As women of color, we are warriors, not pacifists.  We must fight as a people on all fronts, or we will continue to die as a people.  We have fought in people’s wars in China, in Cuba, in Guinea-Bissau, and in such struggles as the civil rights movement, the women’s movement, and in countless daily encounters with landlords, welfare departments, and schools.  These struggles are not abstractions, but the only means by which we have gained the ability to eat and to provide for the future of our people.  We wonder who will lead the battle for nuclear disarmament with the vigor and clarity that women of color have learned from participating in other struggles.  Who will make the political links among racism, sexism, imperialism, cultural integrity, and nuclear arsenals and housing?  Who will stand up?

Tournament: NDCA | Round: 2 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any
Right now, you are in the presence of the product of an anti-black system. The same way that the resolution marks us for death now, my Taino and Incan ancestry were marked for rape by White European Colonialism. Just like we were told it’s either be raped or be killed, the resolution tells us it’s either kill ourselves through the destruction of our environment or starve ourselves through abject poverty. This is a WHITE SUPREMACIST mindset and a reason to reject the resolution. The Tainos and the Incans never had to rape the earth to feed and clothe themselves. Only after being colonized did we ever ask ourselves the question: “Do we die from starvation or rape the earth.”

Because we need to reject the false dichotomy of the resolution I negate.

THE RESOLUTION PROMOTES A FALSE DICHOTOMY THAT SHROUDS THE REALITY OF WHITE SUPREMACY; WHITE SUPREMACY DEFINES WHAT IS DEVELOPING, WHAT ENVIRONMENTS CAN BE DESTROYED AND WHAT RESOURCES CAN BE EXTRACTED. THE AFFIRMATIVE’S FAILURE TO TARGET WHITE SUPREMACY MEANS THEY CAN NEVER RESOLVE THEIR IMPACTS.

Cone Professor of theology at Union Theological Seminary and author of many books on black theology and liberation 2000
James H.; “WHOSE EARTH IS IT ANYWAY?” 2000, http://www.crosscurrents.org/cone.htm CQ

The logic that led to slavery and segregation in the Americas, colonization and Apartheid in Africa, and the rule of white supremacy throughout the world is the same one that leads to the exploitation of animals and the ravaging of nature. It is a mechanistic and instrumental logic that defines everything and everybody in terms of their contribution to the development and defense of white world supremacy. People who fight against white racism but fail to connect it to the degradation of the earth are anti-ecological -- whether they know it or not. People who struggle against environmental degradation but do not incorporate in it a disciplined and sustained fight against white supremacy are racists -- whether they acknowledge it or not. The fight for justice cannot be segregated but must be integrated with the fight for life in all its forms.  Until recently, the ecological crisis has not been a major theme in the liberation movements in the African American community. "Blacks don't care about the environment" is a typical comment by white ecologists. Racial and economic justice has been at best only a marginal concern in the mainstream environmental movement. "White people care more about the endangered whale and the spotted owl than they do about the survival of young blacks in our nation's cities" is a well-founded belief in the African American community. Justice fighters for blacks and the defenders of the earth have tended to ignore each other in their public discourse and practice. Their separation from each other is unfortunate because they are fighting the same enemy -- human beings' domination of each other and nature.

AND,

THE AFFIRMATIVE’S OPERATION WITHIN AND ATTEMPT TO MAINTAIN THE LOGIC OF CIVIL SOCIETY REINFORCES NOTIONS OF WHITENESS AND ANTI-BLACKNESS.

Wilderson Professor of African American Studies and Drama @ UCI 2010
Frank B.; “Red, White and Black” CQ

The imaginary of the state and civil society is parasitic on the Middle Passage. Put another way, No slave, no world. And, in addition, as Patterson argues, no slave is in the world. If, as an ontological position, that is, as a grammar of suffering, the Slave is not a laborer but an anti-Human, a position against which Humanity establishes, maintains, and renews its coherence, its corporeal integrity; if the Slave is, to borrow from Patterson, generally dishonored, perpetually open to gratuitous violence, and void of kinship structure, that is, having no relations that need be recognized, a being outside of relationality, then our analysis cannot be approached through the rubric of gains or reversals in struggles with the state and civil society, not unless and until the interlocutor first explains how the Slave is of the world. The onus is not on one who posits the Master/Slave dichotomy but on the one who argues there is a distinction between Slaveness and Blackness. How, when, and where did such a split occur? The woman at the gates of Columbia University awaits an answer. 

THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO BE AN ANTI-ETHICAL DECISION MAKER CONCERNED WITH THE DESTRUCTION OF CIVIL SOCIETY. THE WORLD AS WE KNOW IT MUST END.

Curry 2013
Dr. Tommy; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical”

Racism is not unethical simply because it is a moral affront to the allegedly generalizable Western/white/enlightenment notion of humanity extended to Blacks by the liberal synonymy of citizenship. Racism is unethical, immoral, because it re-presents—makes known in the present— and acts to capture the Blacks urging the acknowledgment of racism in the ontological entity of modernity’s greatest oppression—the slave; the non-human. It is the historical event of their inhumanity introduced by modernity that allows the white to retreat so easily into the rationalization of their death and dehumanization. It is the memory of slavery, which motivates the white’s attachment to the contingency of Black life, and ultimately concludes that racism, while unfortunate, is/was necessary for America/the West, the world to exist and humanity/the citizen to reach its historical/imperial apex. Thus, MAN, the onto-anthropological basis of humanity and the cultural values that are simultaneously birthed to project humanity into existence is the origin of the oppressive conceptualizations of the other. Oppression “as is” was born out of and sustained by the exclusive morality of white/Western humanity against the barbarism imposed on the Black/African. As such, the nigger born of racism is behind all oppressions, since “it” is the cultural/epistemological/historical ontology to be deterred/ameliorated by being ethically deliberated upon—the nigger is the moral rock bottom of dehumanization. The oppressed is made nigger through dehumanization; the product of absolute debasement, while morality/virtue the valuations of ethics itself is reified perpetually by the activity of whiteness; its perpetual commanding of morality to conform to and justify their existence as the human. As Karen Gange writes in “On the Obsolence of Disciplines (2007), The shift out of our present conception of Man, out of our present “World System”—the one that places people of African descent and the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless, jobless, and criminalized damned as the zero-most factor of Other to Western Man’s Self—has to be first and foremost a cultural shift, not an economic one. Until such a rupture in our conception of being human is brought forth, such “sociological” concerns as that of the vast global and local economic inequalities, immigration, labor policies, struggles about race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and struggles over the environment, global warming, and distribution of world resources, will remain status quo. Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. In short, seeing whites as they are is the proof that Black consciousness has shifted our present conception of man and has found a new teleological/cultural orientation; an endarkening path towards a new humanity.  

I CONTEND THAT WE SHOULD ENGAGE IN A REFUSAL TO AFFIRM THE 1AC. RATHER, WE SHOULD AFFIRM A PROGRAM OF COMPLETE DISORDER. THE 1AC SIMPLY OPERATES WITHIN THE LOGIC OF CIVIL SOCIETY, NOT CHALLENGING IT’S ANTI-BLACK ASSUMPTIONS NOR EMBRACING THE INCOHERENCE OF THE BLACK BODY.

Wilderson Professor of African American Studies and Drama @ UCI 2003
Frank B.; The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (silent) scandal CQ

Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra¬tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.