Tournament: Greenhill invitational | Round: 1 | Opponent: Peninsula AT | Judge: Jared Woods
V: D

Must protect rights and lives

Biopolitical State is a threat to rights and lives

Michel Foucault
Chair in the History of systems of thought, college de france, 1976 The history of Sexuality, Volume i: An introduction, pg 135-140.

Since the classical age the West has undergone
AND
the large scale phenomena of the population

Standard = minimize biopower

Contention I: CV conflates Biopower

CV is a form of disciplinary action.

WILDERSON

The very condition of possibility for the world at large is its symbiotic relation to the middle passage

Frank Wilderson
Red, White, and black, 2010. Associate professor of African American Studies at Duke university.

Regarding the black position, some might ask why, after claims successfully made on the state
AND
How, when, and where did such a split occur? The woman at the gates of Columbia University awaits an answer.

Blackness is a site of absolute dereliction and is the way we measure badness.

Frank Wilderson
The prison slave as hegemony's (Silent) scandal"

Fanon (1968: 37) writes: "Decolonization
AND
the "Negro is a phobogenic object" (Fanon)

Top down approaches simply mask

Henry Giroux
A reading of Hurricane Katrina: Race, class and the biopolitics of disposability.

Any viable attempt to challenge the biopolitical
AND
health care to all residents of the United States

Incentivized voting is better

Raymond Raja and Brian Schafner
Buying voters: the effect of financial incentives on intentions to vote. University of Massachusetts.

The results of this study suggests that
AND
"nudge" citizens to do what in their interest and the collective good (Thaler and Sunstein 2008)

Tournament: Collegiate RR | Round: 1 | Opponent: Davis Labarre | Judge: Mr Hertzig and Mr Melin
Because we the people have the power, I affirm.

CV is a misnomer for Compulsory Turnout.

Bart Engelen
Why compulsory voting can enhance democracy, research assistant of the fund for scientific research - Flanders (Belgium), Centre for Economics and Ethics - Institute of Philosophy (K.U.Leuven)

It must be made clear that
AND
I nevertheless continue to use the more generally accepted term "Compulsory Voting"

Compulsory Voting is effective when accessible and strictly enforced.

Alberto Chong and Mauricio Olivera
Economics and politics Doi: 10.111/j.1468-0343.2008.00336.x Volume 20 November 2008 No. 3 Research department.

While universal franchise was adopted in many democracies
AND
the number falls to 83 and 73, respectively.

I DEFEND AUSTRALIA

V: Democracy

Democracy must protect freedom

Freedom is contingent upon communities

Amitai Etzioni
University Professor at the George Washington University. The essential Communitarian reader, 1998.

American men, women, and children are members of many communities
AND
learn to see others- not just self.

Standard: Uphold Civic Obligations.

1st Education must commit to social Autonomy

Henry Giroux
Professor in English and Cultural studies at McMaster university, Rethinking the promise of Critical Education under an Obama Regime, Tuesday, December 2, 2008.

What separates an authoritarian from an emancipatory notion of education
AND
are produced within a particular set of social relations

2nd CO are good because specific to communities; objective moral obligations bad because taken to logical end justifies atrocities.

3rd Democracy has only been successful because of upholding CO

Etzioni 2
Same cite as the other Etzioni evidence

Communitarians are not majoritarians
AND
shared aspirations can be identified and advanced

Cont. I

All cit makes political statement; either vote or don't vote and commmit Civil Disobedience

Contention II: Compulsory voting empowers cit

a) CV takes power away from Politicians

Lisa Hill
Political Science Program Research School of Social Science. The Australian National University. Compulsory Voting, Political Shyness and Welfare outcomes.

Concomitantly, the Australian state has tended to take seriously
AND
the obligation to vote may be thought of as a genuinely reciprocal one.

b) CV solves for informal disenfranchisement.

Most cit who abstain are alienated

Hill 2
ibid

Alienation from the political system is
AND
parties is irrelevant to the amelioration of the problems they face

CV solves

Hill 3
ibid

For Groups like new migrants compulsion can act as a trigger for
AND
characterised by cynicism towards political institutions and norms of non-participation.

Tournament: Bump | Round: Doubles | Opponent: Harrison | Judge: idr
*Erma Faye Stewart Narrative.*

Given the Persistent

AND

Racism in America

ALEXANDER 2k10

The New Jim Crow. Michelle Alexander, associate professor of law at Ohio University. Grad of Stanford law school and Vanderbilty uni. 2010.

In each generation

AND

we have merely redesigned it.

POSITING OUGHT AS

AND

THE MIDDLE PASSAGE.

WILDERSON 2k10

Frank B. Wilderson III 'Red, White and Black" Duke Uni Press. Associate Professor of African American Studies and drama at the Uni of Cali, Irvine. 2010

The imaginary of

AND

awaits an answer.

The process of

AND

object marked black.

WILDERSON 03

UCI Professor, Same quals as above, "The Prison Slave as Hegemony's (Silent) Scandal"

Fanon (1968: 37) writes

AND

phobogenic object" (Fanon)

Check back

AND

upon it.

Wilderson 2k10

Frank B. Wilderson III 'Red, White and Black" Duke Uni Press. Associate Professor of African American Studies and drama at the Uni of Cali, Irvine. 2010

Whereas humans exist

AND

eyes of Humanity.

Thus, the role of the judge is to endorse the debater who best performs their advocacy en route the liberation of the oppressed.

SMITH 13

Elijah Smith. History maker, best assistant coach eva. A conversation in ruins: Race and black participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate

It will be

AND

students cannot escape.

I CONTEND THAT ONLY TRUTH SEEKING, AN UNFLINCHING PARADIGMATIC ANALYSIS, CAN UNVEIL THE ANTIBLACKNESS IN THE US CJS.

Wilderson 2k10

Frank B. Wilderson III 'Red, White and Black" Duke Uni Press. Associate Professor of African American Studies and drama at the Uni of Cali, Irvine. 2010

Strange as

AND

S'bu Zulu.

Tournament: Lex | Round: 1 | Opponent: Princeton RD | Judge: Andrew Meleta
Right now, you’re in the presence of the product of an anti-black system. The same way that the resolution marks us for death now, my Taino and Incan ancestry were marked for rape by White European Colonialism. Just like we were told it’s either be raped or be killed, the resolution tells us it’s either kill ourselves or let ourselves die. This is a completely WHITE mindset. The Tainos and the Incans never had to rape the earth to feed and clothe themselves. The United States doesn’t have to make Newark a nuclear waste dump. It is this destructive white mentality that not only puts nuclear plants in my backyard but also justifies my hood being cluttered with liter and garbage.

Because it’s time to realize Newark isn’t a nuclear waste dump, I affirm: Developing Countries  should prioritize Environmental Protection over Resource Extraction when the two are in conflict.

LET’S GET REAL; THE UNITED STATES IS NOT A DEVELOPED COUNTRY. I SEE MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS STRUGGLE WITH HUNGER AND DISEASE WHILE I STRUGGLE WITH THE VOID OF CULTURE THAT WHITENESS HAS LEFT ME; SO LONG AS WE SUFFER FROM THESE CONDITIONS Y’ALL CAN’T CALL THIS COUNTRY A DEVELOPED ONE.

CRUSE  09:

The Brotherwise Dispatch VOL.2, ISSUE #1, DEC/2009 - FEB/2010 “Revolutionary Nationalism and Western Marxism” prof of Black Studies @ U of Michigan CQ

The American Negro shares with colonial peoples many of the socioeconomic factors which form the material basis for present-day revolutionary nationalism. Like the peoples of underdeveloped countries, the Negro suffers in varying degree from hunger, illiteracy, disease, ties to the land, urban and semi-urban slums, cultural starvation, and the psychological reactions to being ruled over by others not of his kind. He experiences the tyranny imposed upon the lives of those who inhabit underdeveloped countries. In the words of a Mexican writer, Enrique Gonzales Pedrero, underdevelopment creates a situation where that which exists “only half exists,” where “countries are almost countries, only fifty percent nations, and a man who inhabits these countries is a dependent being, a sub-man.” Such a man depends “not on himself but on other men and other outside worlds that order him around, counsel and guide him like a newly born infant.” From the beginning, the American Negro has existed as a colonial being. His enslavement coincided with the colonial expansion of European powers and was nothing more or less than a condition of domestic colonialism. Instead of the United States establishing a colonial empire in Africa, it brought the colonial system home and installed it in the Southern states. When the Civil War broke up the slave system and the Negro was emancipated, he gained only partial freedom. Emancipation elevated him only to the position of a semi-dependent man, not to that of an equal or independent being. The immense wealth and democratic pretensions of the American way of life have often served to obscure the real conditions under which the eighteen to twenty million Negroes in the United States live. As a wage laborer or tenant farmer, the Negro is discriminated against and exploited. Those in the educated, professional, and intellectual classes suffer a similar fate. Except for a very small percentage of the Negro intelligentsia, the Negro functions in a subcultural world made up, usually of necessity, of his own race only. This is much more than a problem of racial discrimination; it is a problem of political, economic, cultural and administrative development. American Marxists, however, have never been able to understand the implications of the Negro’s position in the social structure of the United States. They have no more been able to see the Negro as having revolutionary potentialities in his own right, than European Marxists could see the revolutionary aspirations of their colonials as being independent of, and not subordinate to, their own. As Western Marxism had no adequate revolutionary theory for the colonies, American Marxists have no adequate theory for the Negro. The belief of some American Marxists in a political alliance of Negroes and whites is based on a superficial assessment of the Negro’s social status: the notion that the Negro is an integral part of the American nation in the same way as is the white working class. Although this idea of Negro and white unity is convenient in describing the American multinational and multiracial makeup, it cannot withstand a deeper analysis of the components which make American society what it is.

EVEN WORSE THAN BEING ALLOWED TO DIE ON THE STREETS FROM HUNGER AND DISEASE, WE ARE ALSO TARGETED FOR TOXIC WASTE DISPOSAL, SITED FOR POLUTTING INDUSTRIES, AND EXCLUDED FROM DETERMINING WHAT HAPPENS TO OUR LAND! WE SIMPLY DON’T HAVE THE COMPLEXION FOR THE PROTECTION.

SPENCER  08:      

Marguerite L."Environmental Racism and Black Theology: James H. Cone Instructs Us on Witness," University of St. Thomas Law Journal: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 12. Available at: http://ir.stthomas.edu/ustlj/vol5/iss1/12 pg. 290-292 Prof of theology and law @ The University of St. Thomas CQ          

Environmental racism harms communities of color. It is just as real as the racism that exists in housing, employment, and education. Many credit Rev. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., former head of NAACP, with coining the term "environmental racism" during his tenure (1985-1993) as executive director of the United Church of Christ's Commission for Racial Justice (CRJ). Others like Robert D. Bullard have been exploring the issue since the 1970s. Chavis provides the most recent definition of environmental racism, what some call "toxic colonialism" or "environmental genocide." Environmental racism is racial discrimination in environmental policymaking. It is racial discrimination in the enforcement of regulations and laws. It is racial discrimination in the deliberate targeting of communities of color for toxic waste disposal and the siting of polluting industries. It is racial discrimination in the official sanctioning of the life-threatening presence of poisons and pollutants in communities of color. And, it is racial discrimination in the history of excluding people of color from the mainstream environmental groups, decision-making boards, commissions, and regulatory bodies. According to Bullard, all communities are not created equal.  Governmental policies, marketing practices of the housing industry, and discrimination by lending institutions have led to the development of spatially differentiated metropolitan areas where communities of color are segregated from white Americans. Millions of blacks remain geographically isolated in economically depressed and polluted urban neighborhoods away from the affluent suburban job centers. Apartheid-type housing limits mobility, reduces job opportunities and hinders environmental choices.  Moreover, white NIMBYism ("not in my backyard") becomes PIBBYism ("place in blacks back yard"), and, along with poor enforcement of environmental regulations, leads to the construction of garbage dumps, landfills, incinerators, sewer treatment plants, recycling centers, prisons, drug treatment units and public housing projects in minority communities rather than in white ones.  White communities are simply more effective at blocking hazardous placements. They have the necessary resources, and politicians are more sensitive to their needs because they are able to relate well with them. As some black residents of affected areas report themselves, they "don't have the complexion for protection." The majority of investigators agree that race, independent of class, plays a significant role in the distribution of environmental toxins.  In its landmark 1987 study, Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States, the CRJ found "race to be the single most important factor (i.e., more important than income, home ownership rate, and property values) in the location of abandoned toxic waste sites."2o The study also found that three out of five African Americans lived in communities with abandoned toxic-waste sites and three of the five largest commercial hazardous waste landfills are located in predominantly black or Latino communities? Native Americans are also targeted; their reservations have been victim to the siting of waste disposal facilities in what Robert D. Bullard calls a form of "garbage imperialism. “These and similar studies show that environmental and health laws do not provide equal protection to communities of color.  Industries contribute to this disparity out of a desire for a favorable business climate and increased profits, subordinating their responsibility to society.

MY ADVOCACY IS THAT THE DEVELOPING COUNTRY, THE UNITED STATES, SHOULD RESPECT THE LAND OF THE PEOPLE AND PRIORITIZE ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION OVER RESOURCE EXTRACTION BY NOT SITING BLACK COMMUNITIES FOR ENVIRONMENTAL GENOCIDE AND ENFORCING ENVIRONMENTAL LAWS. 

AND,

YOU CAN’T GET OUT OF THIS DISCUSSION! THE WORLD IS ROOTED IN ANTI-BLACKNESS BECAUSE IT SUTURED ITSELF AT THE EXCLUSION OF THE BLACK BODY THROUGH THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. THIS PROCESS MADE US THE ZERO POINT OF IDENTITY, SOCIALLY DEAD OBJECTS. THIS IS THE RESOURCE EXTRACTION THAT WE NEED TO TALK ABOUT; THE ABUSE OF THE BLACK BODY TO SUTURE CIVIL SOCIETY. THE ONLY VIABLE ALTERNATIVE IS TO EMBRACE THE DISORDER OF THE BLACK BODY.

WILDERSON 03 :

Professor UCI, 2003 (Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent) Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, CQ)

The black American subject does not generate historical categories of entitlement, sover¬eignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with respect to the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but not a heri¬tage. To the data-generating demands of the Historical Axis, we present a vir¬tual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological Axis. This places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is outside the articulations of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony in a structurally impossible position because—and this is key—our presence works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence. If every subject— even-the most massacred among them, Indians—is required to have analogs within the nations structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject on whom the nations order of wealth was built is without analog, then that sub¬jects presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra-tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

THUS, THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO ENDORSE THE DEBATER WHO BEST EMBRACES THE DISORDER OF THE BLACK BODY AND DISCONFIGURE CIVIL SOCIETY.

I CONTEND THAT THE CURRENT ORDER DERIVES ITS ONTOLOGICAL CONSISTENCY IN OPPOSITION TO BLACKNESS, TRYING TO WORK WITHIN THIS SYSTEM IS DEFINITIONALLY IMPOSSIBLE. INSTEAD, STRIVING FOR IMPOSSIBLE REPARATIONS IS THE ONLY WAY TO CREATE A POLITICS BEYOND CURRENT COMPREHENSION, EMBRACE THE DISORDER OF THE BLACK BODY AND DISCONFIGURE CIVIL SOCIETY.

WILDERSON AND HOWARD 10 :

Frank, Assoc prof of African American Studies, Percy, Psychotherapist, “Frank Wilderson, Wallowing in the Contradictions, Part 1” http://percy3.wordpress.com/2010/07/09/frank-b-wilderson-E2809Cwallowing-in-the-contradictionsE2809D-part-1/ liam CR

FW Reparations suggests a conceptually coherent loss. The loss of land, the loss of labor power, etc. In other words, there has to be some form of articulation between the party that has lost and the party that has gained for reparations to make sense. No such articulation exists between Blacks and the world. This is, ironically, precisely why I support the Reparations Movement; but my emphasis, my energies, my points of attention are on the word “Movement” and not on the word “Reparation.” I support the movement because I know it is a movement toward the end of the world; a movement toward a catastrophe in epistemological coherence and institutional integrity—I support the movement aspect of it because I know that repair is impossible; and any struggle that can act as a stick up artist to the world, demanding all that it cannot give( which is everything ), is a movement toward something so blindingly new that it cannot be imagined. This is the only thing that will save us. PH As a Psychotherapist, I was very interested to see your contrasting Frantz Fanon and Lacan concerning their conceptualizations of potential paths to “emancipation in the libidinal economy”, as you put it. I am ashamed to admit that I have never read Fanon, but have read Lacan. Please illuminate  your idea that the stark difference in their conceptualizations of conflict/antagonism differ are based on the fact that Lacan would  still see Blacks as fundamentally situated in personhood, but that Fannon (and yourself) see Blacks as “situated a priori in absolute dereliction”. FW This is a big question, too big for a concise answer—I think I take about thirty to forty pages to try and get my head around this in the book. But the key to the answer lies in the concept of “contemporaries.” Fanon rather painfully and meticulously shows us how the human race is a community of “contemporaries.” In addition, this community vouchsafes its coherence (it knows its borders) through the presence of Blacks. If Blacks became part of the human community then the concept of “contemporaries” would have no outside; and if it had no outside it could have no inside. Lacan assumes the category and thus he imagines the analysand’s problem in terms of how to live without neurosis among ones contemporaries. Fanon interrogates the category itself. For Lacan the analysands suffer psychically due to problems  extant within the paradigm of contemporaries. For Fanon, the analysand   suffers due to the existence of the contemporaries themselves and the fact that s/he is a stimulus for anxiety for those who have contemporaries. Now, a contemporary’s struggles are conflictual—that is to say, they can be resolved because they are problems that are of- and in the world. But a Blacks problems are the stuff of antagonisms: struggles that cannot be resolved between parties but can only be resolved through the obliteration of one or both of the parties. We are faced—when dealing with the Black—with a set of psychic problems that cannot be resolved through any form of symbolic intervention such as psychoanalysis—though addressing them psychoanalytically we can begin to explain the antagonism (as I have done in my book, and as Fanon does), but it won’t lead us to a cure.

Tournament: Emory | Round: 2 | Opponent: Alex Yoakum | Judge: Matt Dunay
Right now, you’re in the presence of an extractable resource, a black. The same way that the resolution marks us for death now, my Taino and Incan ancestry were marked for rape by White European Colonialism. Just like we were told it’s either be raped or be killed, the resolution tells us it’s either kill ourselves or let ourselves die. This is a completely WHITE SUPREMACIST mindset. The Tainos and the Incans never had to rape the earth to feed and clothe themselves. The United States doesn’t have to make Newark an industrial waste dump. It is this destructive white mentality that not only puts industrial waste in my backyard but also justifies my hood looked at as places where our people and water are NATURAL RESOURCES that can be used to make white people money. When we are taken from our communities and used to feed the billion dollar prison industry, we are NATURAL RESOURCES. When our children are taken from public schools and placed in charter schools where white people can profit off of the bodies in their building, we are NATURAL RESOURCES. When our public water and public buildings can be sold to white people for profit, our communities are NATURAL RESOURCES.

Because it’s time to realize Newark isn’t an industrial waste dump, I affirm: Developing Countries should prioritize Environmental Protection over Resource Extraction when the two are in conflict.

LET’S GET REAL; THE UNITED STATES IS NOT A DEVELOPED COUNTRY. I SEE MY BROTHERS AND SISTERS STRUGGLE WITH HUNGER AND DISEASE WHILE I STRUGGLE WITH THE VOID OF CULTURE THAT WHITENESS HAS LEFT ME; SO LONG AS WE SUFFER FROM THESE CONDITIONS Y’ALL CAN’T CALL THIS COUNTRY A DEVELOPED ONE.

CRUSE  09:

The Brotherwise Dispatch VOL.2, ISSUE #1, DEC/2009 - FEB/2010 “Revolutionary Nationalism and Western Marxism” prof of Black Studies @ U of Michigan CQ

The American Negro shares with colonial peoples many of the socioeconomic factors which form the material basis for present-day revolutionary nationalism. Like the peoples of underdeveloped countries, the Negro suffers in varying degree from hunger, illiteracy, disease, ties to the land, urban and semi-urban slums, cultural starvation, and the psychological reactions to being ruled over by others not of his kind. He experiences the tyranny imposed upon the lives of those who inhabit underdeveloped countries. In the words of a Mexican writer, Enrique Gonzales Pedrero, underdevelopment creates a situation where that which exists “only half exists,” where “countries are almost countries, only fifty percent nations, and a man who inhabits these countries is a dependent being, a sub-man.” Such a man depends “not on himself but on other men and other outside worlds that order him around, counsel and guide him like a newly born infant.” From the beginning, the American Negro has existed as a colonial being. His enslavement coincided with the colonial expansion of European powers and was nothing more or less than a condition of domestic colonialism. Instead of the United States establishing a colonial empire in Africa, it brought the colonial system home and installed it in the Southern states. When the Civil War broke up the slave system and the Negro was emancipated, he gained only partial freedom. Emancipation elevated him only to the position of a semi-dependent man, not to that of an equal or independent being. The immense wealth and democratic pretensions of the American way of life have often served to obscure the real conditions under which the eighteen to twenty million Negroes in the United States live. As a wage laborer or tenant farmer, the Negro is discriminated against and exploited. Those in the educated, professional, and intellectual classes suffer a similar fate. Except for a very small percentage of the Negro intelligentsia, the Negro functions in a subcultural world made up, usually of necessity, of his own race only. This is much more than a problem of racial discrimination; it is a problem of political, economic, cultural and administrative development. American Marxists, however, have never been able to understand the implications of the Negro’s position in the social structure of the United States. They have no more been able to see the Negro as having revolutionary potentialities in his own right, than European Marxists could see the revolutionary aspirations of their colonials as being independent of, and not subordinate to, their own. As Western Marxism had no adequate revolutionary theory for the colonies, American Marxists have no adequate theory for the Negro. The belief of some American Marxists in a political alliance of Negroes and whites is based on a superficial assessment of the Negro’s social status: the notion that the Negro is an integral part of the American nation in the same way as is the white working class. Although this idea of Negro and white unity is convenient in describing the American multinational and multiracial makeup, it cannot withstand a deeper analysis of the components which make American society what it is.

EVEN WORSE THAN BEING ALLOWED TO DIE ON THE STREETS FROM HUNGER AND DISEASE, WE ARE ALSO TARGETED FOR TOXIC WASTE DISPOSAL, SITED FOR POLUTTING INDUSTRIES, AND EXCLUDED FROM DETERMINING WHAT HAPPENS TO OUR LAND! WE SIMPLY DON’T HAVE THE COMPLEXION FOR THE PROTECTION.

SPENCER  08:                

Marguerite L."Environmental Racism and Black Theology: James H. Cone Instructs Us on Witness," University of St. Thomas Law Journal: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 12. Available at: http://ir.stthomas.edu/ustlj/vol5/iss1/12 pg. 290-292 Prof of theology and law @ The University of St. Thomas

Environmental racism harms communities of color. It is just as real as the racism that exists in housing, employment, and education. Many credit Rev. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., former head of NAACP, with coining the term "environmental racism" during his tenure (1985-1993) as executive director of the United Church of Christ's Commission for Racial Justice (CRJ). Others like Robert D. Bullard have been exploring the issue since the 1970s. Chavis provides the most recent definition of environmental racism, what some call "toxic colonialism" or "environmental genocide." Environmental racism is racial discrimination in environmental policymaking. It is racial discrimination in the enforcement of regulations and laws. It is racial discrimination in the deliberate targeting of communities of color for toxic waste disposal and the siting of polluting industries. It is racial discrimination in the official sanctioning of the life-threatening presence of poisons and pollutants in communities of color. And, it is racial discrimination in the history of excluding people of color from the mainstream environmental groups, decision-making boards, commissions, and regulatory bodies. According to Bullard, all communities are not created equal.  Governmental policies, marketing practices of the housing industry, and discrimination by lending institutions have led to the development of spatially differentiated metropolitan areas where communities of color are segregated from white Americans. Millions of blacks remain geographically isolated in economically depressed and polluted urban neighborhoods away from the affluent suburban job centers. Apartheid-type housing limits mobility, reduces job opportunities and hinders environmental choices.  Moreover, white NIMBYism ("not in my backyard") becomes PIBBYism ("place in blacks back yard"), and, along with poor enforcement of environmental regulations, leads to the construction of garbage dumps, landfills, incinerators, sewer treatment plants, recycling centers, prisons, drug treatment units and public housing projects in minority communities rather than in white ones.  White communities are simply more effective at blocking hazardous placements. They have the necessary resources, and politicians are more sensitive to their needs because they are able to relate well with them. As some black residents of affected areas report themselves, they "don't have the complexion for protection." The majority of investigators agree that race, independent of class, plays a significant role in the distribution of environmental toxins.  In its landmark 1987 study, Toxic Wastes and Race in the United States, the CRJ found "race to be the single most important factor (i.e., more important than income, home ownership rate, and property values) in the location of abandoned toxic waste sites."2o The study also found that three out of five African Americans lived in communities with abandoned toxic-waste sites and three of the five largest commercial hazardous waste landfills are located in predominantly black or Latino communities? Native Americans are also targeted; their reservations have been victim to the siting of waste disposal facilities in what Robert D. Bullard calls a form of "garbage imperialism. “These and similar studies show that environmental and health laws do not provide equal protection to communities of color.  Industries contribute to this disparity out of a desire for a favorable business climate and increased profits, subordinating their responsibility to society.

MY ADVOCACY IS THAT THE DEVELOPING COUNTRY, THE UNITED STATES, SHOULD RESPECT THE LAND OF THE PEOPLE AND PRIORITIZE ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION OVER RESOURCE EXTRACTION BY NOT EXTRACTING THE RESOURCE THE BLACK BODY AND PROTECTING US BY GIVING US BACK OUR LAND, OUR NAMES AND OUR ONTOLOGY.

AND,

PUT AWAY THE INTERSECTIONALITY KRITIKS AND THEORY SHELLS; YOU CAN’T GET OUT OF THIS DISCUSSION! THE WORLD IS ROOTED IN ANTI-BLACKNESS BECAUSE IT SUTURED ITSELF AT THE EXCLUSION OF THE BLACK BODY THROUGH THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. THE MIDDLE PASSAGE CREATED MODERN CIVIL SOCIETY AND CONTINUES TO INFORM IT. THE WEALTH, PHILOSOPHY AND INSTITUTIONS OF EUROPE AND THE AMERICAS ARE ROOTED IN THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. IDEAS OF WHITENESS AND THE SAVAGE NON-HUMAN INFORM HOW EVERYONE DOMINATED BY WHITE SUPREMACY SEES AND ACTS IN THE WORLD. THE 1AC CHALLENGES YOU TO INTERROGATE THE ANTI-BLACKNESS WITHIN YOURSELF. THE ONLY WAY TO END WHITE SUPREMACY AND ANTI-BLACKNESS IS BY DISCONFIGURING CIVIL SOCIETY.

WILDERSON 03 :

Professor UCI, 2003 (Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent) Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, CQ)

The black American subject does not generate historical categories of entitlement, sover¬eignty, and immigration for the record. We are "off the map" with respect to the cartography that charts civil society's semiotics; we have a past but not a heri¬tage. To the data-generating demands of the Historical Axis, we present a vir¬tual blank, much like that which the Khoisan presented to the Anthropological Axis. This places us in a structurally impossible position, one that is outside the articulations of hegemony. However, it also places hegemony in a structurally impossible position because—and this is key—our presence works back on the grammar of hegemony and threatens it with incoherence. If every subject— even-the most massacred among them, Indians—is required to have analogs within the nations structuring narrative, and the experience of one subject on whom the nations order of wealth was built is without analog, then that sub¬jects presence destabilizes all other analogs. Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra-tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

THUS, THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO ENDORSE THE DEBATER WHO BEST EMBRACES THE DISORDER OF THE BLACK BODY AND DISCONFIGURES CIVIL SOCIETY, AND THE ANTIBLACK ASSUMPTIONS ON WHICH IT WAS BASED. THIS IS THE ONLY WAY TO SUCCESSFULLY FIGHT ANTI-BLACKNESS AND WHITE SUPREMACY

I CONTEND THAT ONLY BY HALTING THE EXTRACTION OF THE BLACK BODY AND RETURNING EVERYTHING TO US CAN WE DISCONFIGURE CIVIL SOCIETY.

WILDERSON AND HOWARD 10 :

Frank, Assoc prof of African American Studies, Percy, Psychotherapist, “Frank Wilderson, Wallowing in the Contradictions, Part 1” http://percy3.wordpress.com/2010/07/09/frank-b-wilderson-E2809Cwallowing-in-the-contradictionsE2809D-part-1/ liam

FW Reparations suggests a conceptually coherent loss. The loss of land, the loss of labor power, etc. In other words, there has to be some form of articulation between the party that has lost and the party that has gained for reparations to make sense. No such articulation exists between Blacks and the world. This is, ironically, precisely why I support the Reparations Movement; but my emphasis, my energies, my points of attention are on the word “Movement” and not on the word “Reparation.” I support the movement because I know it is a movement toward the end of the world; a movement toward a catastrophe in epistemological coherence and institutional integrity—I support the movement aspect of it because I know that repair is impossible; and any struggle that can act as a stick up artist to the world, demanding all that it cannot give( which is everything ), is a movement toward something so blindingly new that it cannot be imagined. This is the only thing that will save us. PH As a Psychotherapist, I was very interested to see your contrasting Frantz Fanon and Lacan concerning their conceptualizations of potential paths to “emancipation in the libidinal economy”, as you put it. I am ashamed to admit that I have never read Fanon, but have read Lacan. Please illuminate  your idea that the stark difference in their conceptualizations of conflict/antagonism differ are based on the fact that Lacan would  still see Blacks as fundamentally situated in personhood, but that Fannon (and yourself) see Blacks as “situated a priori in absolute dereliction”. FW This is a big question, too big for a concise answer—I think I take about thirty to forty pages to try and get my head around this in the book. But the key to the answer lies in the concept of “contemporaries.” Fanon rather painfully and meticulously shows us how the human race is a community of “contemporaries.” In addition, this community vouchsafes its coherence (it knows its borders) through the presence of Blacks. If Blacks became part of the human community then the concept of “contemporaries” would have no outside; and if it had no outside it could have no inside. Lacan assumes the category and thus he imagines the analysand’s problem in terms of how to live without neurosis among ones contemporaries. Fanon interrogates the category itself. For Lacan the analysands suffer psychically due to problems  extant within the paradigm of contemporaries. For Fanon, the analysand   suffers due to the existence of the contemporaries themselves and the fact that s/he is a stimulus for anxiety for those who have contemporaries. Now, a contemporary’s struggles are conflictual—that is to say, they can be resolved because they are problems that are of- and in the world. But a Blacks problems are the stuff of antagonisms: struggles that cannot be resolved between parties but can only be resolved through the obliteration of one or both of the parties. We are faced—when dealing with the Black—with a set of psychic problems that cannot be resolved through any form of symbolic intervention such as psychoanalysis—though addressing them psychoanalytically we can begin to explain the antagonism (as I have done in my book, and as Fanon does), but it won’t lead us to a cure. 

THIS MAKES THE 1AC A PRIOR QUESTION TO ANY IMPACTS BECAUSE ONLY BY TEARING DOWN THE GLOBAL PRISON WE LIVE IN CAN WE FREE OURSELVES FROM ALL FORMS OF OPPRESSION.

CURRY 13 :

Dr. Tommy ; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical” Academia.edu 

Racism is not unethical simply because it is a moral affront to the allegedly generalizable Western/white/enlightenment notion of humanity extended to Blacks by the liberal synonymy of citizenship. Racism is unethical, immoral, because it re-presents—makes known in the present— and acts to capture the Blacks urging the acknowledgment of racism in the ontological entity of modernity’s greatest oppression—the slave; the non-human. It is the historical event of their inhumanity introduced by modernity that allows the white to retreat so easily into the rationalization of their death and dehumanization. It is the memory of slavery, which motivates the white’s attachment to the contingency of Black life, and ultimately concludes that racism, while unfortunate, is/was necessary for America/the West, the world to exist and humanity/the citizen to reach its historical/imperial apex. Thus, MAN, the onto-anthropological basis of humanity and the cultural values that are simultaneously birthed to project humanity into existence is the origin of the oppressive conceptualizations of the other. Oppression “as is” was born out of and sustained by the exclusive morality of white/Western humanity against the barbarism imposed on the Black/African. As such, the nigger born of racism is behind all oppressions, since “it” is the cultural/epistemological/historical ontology to be deterred/ameliorated by being ethically deliberated upon—the nigger is the moral rock bottom of dehumanization. The oppressed is made nigger through dehumanization; the product of absolute debasement, while morality/virtue the valuations of ethics itself is reified perpetually by the activity of whiteness; its perpetual commanding of morality to conform to and justify their existence as the human. As Karen Gange writes in “On the Obsolence of Disciplines (2007), The shift out of our present conception of Man, out of our present “World System”—the one that places people of African descent and the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless, jobless, and criminalized damned as the zero-most factor of Other to Western Man’s Self—has to be first and foremost a cultural shift, not an economic one. Until such a rupture in our conception of being human is brought forth, such “sociological” concerns as that of the vast global and local economic inequalities, immigration, labor policies, struggles about race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and struggles over the environment, global warming, and distribution of world resources, will remain status quo. Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. In short, seeing whites as they are is the proof that Black consciousness has shifted our present conception of man and has found a new teleological/cultural orientation; an endarkening path towards a new humanity.

Tournament: NDCA  Utah | Round: 1 | Opponent: Anyone | Judge: Anyone
No sooner had we concluded the formalities of taking possession of the island than people began to come to the beach, all as naked as their mothers bore them, and the women also, although I did not see more than one very young girl. All those that I saw were young people, none of whom was over 30 years old. They are very well-built people, with handsome bodies and very fine faces, though their appearance is marred somewhat by very broad heads and foreheads, more so than I have ever seen in any other race. Their eyes are large and very pretty, and their skin is the color of Canary Islanders or of sunburned peasants, not at all black, as would be expected because we are on an east-west line with Hierro in the Canaries. These are tall people and their legs, with no exceptions, are quite straight, and none of them has a paunch. They are, in fact, well proportioned. Their hair is not kinky, but straight, and coarse like horsehair. They wear it short over the eyebrows, but they have a long hank in the back that they never cut. Many of the natives paint their faces; others paint their whole bodies; some, only the eyes or nose. Some are painted black, some white, some red; others are of different colors. The people here called this island Guanahaní in their language, and their speech is very fluent, although I do not understand any of it. They are friendly and well-dispositioned people who bear no arms except for small spears, and they have no iron. I showed one my sword, and through ignorance he grabbed it by the blade and cut himself. Their spears are made of wood, to which they attach a fish tooth at one end, or some other sharp thing.

I want the natives to develop a friendly attitude toward us because I know that they are a people who can be made free and converted to our Holy Faith more by love than by force. I therefore gave red caps to some and glass beads to others. They hung the beads around their necks, along with some other things of slight value that I gave them. And they took great pleasure in this and became so friendly that it was a marvel. They traded and gave everything they had with good will, but it seems to me that they have very little and are poor in everything. I warned my men to take nothing from the people without giving something in exchange. This afternoon the people of San Salvador came swimming to our ships and in boats made from one log. They brought us parrots, balls of cotton thread, spears, and many other things, including a kind of dry leaf that they hold in great esteem. For these items we swapped them little glass beads and hawks' bells.

Many of the men I have seen have scars on their bodies, and when I made signs to them to find out how this happened, they indicated that people from other nearby islands come to San Salvador to capture them; they defend themselves the best they can. I believe that people from the mainland come here to take them as slaves. They ought to make good and skilled servants, for they repeat very quickly whatever we say to them. I think they can easily be made Christians, for they seem to have no religion. If it pleases Our Lord, I will take six of them to Your Highnesses when I depart, in order that they may learn our language.

-- Christopher Columbus

And here I am, 7 centuries later. When Christopher Columbus discovered the Taino People he viewed our communities as developing, our environments as destroyable and our bodies as extractable resources. This marking of our bodies hasn’t ended; we have simply gone from the plantation to the ghetto, from Guanahani to Newark. It is this destructive white mentality that still looks at my hood as a place where our people and water are NATURAL RESOURCES that can be used to make white people money. When we are taken from our communities and used to feed the billion dollar prison industry, we are NATURAL RESOURCES. When our children are taken from public schools and placed in charter schools where white people can profit off of their bodies, we are NATURAL RESOURCES. When our public water and public buildings can be sold to white people for profit, our communities are NATURAL RESOURCES.

TRADITIONAL APPROACHES TO THE TOPIC FAIL TO EXPLAIN THE INSIDIOUS POWER OF WHITE SUPREMACY; WHITE SUPREMACY DEFINES WHAT IS DEVELOPING, WHAT ENVIRONMENTS CAN BE DESTROYED AND WHAT RESOURCES CAN BE EXTRACTED. NEWARK IS JUST ONE EXAMPLE OF THE COUNTLESS COMMUNITIES AND COUNTRIES THAT HAVE THEIR ENVIRONMENTS RAVAGED AND DESTROYED BY WHITE SUPREMACY.

Cone Professor of theology at Union Theological Seminary and author of many books on black theology and liberation 2000
James H.;WHOSE EARTH IS IT ANYWAY?, 2000, http://www.crosscurrents.org/cone.htm CQ

The logic that led to slavery and segregation in the Americas, colonization and Apartheid in Africa, and the rule of white supremacy throughout the world is the same one that leads to the exploitation of animals and the ravaging of nature. It is a mechanistic and instrumental logic that defines everything and everybody in terms of their contribution to the development and defense of white world supremacy. People who fight against white racism but fail to connect it to the degradation of the earth are anti-ecological -- whether they know it or not. People who struggle against environmental degradation but do not incorporate in it a disciplined and sustained fight against white supremacy are racists -- whether they acknowledge it or not. The fight for justice cannot be segregated but must be integrated with the fight for life in all its forms.  Until recently, the ecological crisis has not been a major theme in the liberation movements in the African American community. "Blacks don't care about the environment" is a typical comment by white ecologists. Racial and economic justice has been at best only a marginal concern in the mainstream environmental movement. "White people care more about the endangered whale and the spotted owl than they do about the survival of young blacks in our nation's cities" is a well-founded belief in the African American community. Justice fighters for blacks and the defenders of the earth have tended to ignore each other in their public discourse and practice. Their separation from each other is unfortunate because they are fighting the same enemy -- human beings' domination of each other and nature.

TRADITIONAL ETHICS HAVE BEEN EMPLOYED TO MASK AND MYSTIFY THE REALITIES OF WHITE SUPREMACY AND ANTI-BLACKNESS. THE ONLY TRUE ETHICAL DELIBERATION WE CAN ENGAGE IN IS AN ANTI-ETHICAL ONE.

Curry 2013
Dr. Tommy; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical”

Traditionally we have taken ethics to be, as Henry Sedgwick claims, "any rational procedure by which we determine what individual human beings 'ought'—or what is right for them—or to seek to realize by voluntary action” (1981:1).  This rational procedure is however at odds with the empirical reality the ethical deliberation must concern itself with. To argue, as is often done, that the government, its citizens, or white people should act justly, assumes that the possibility of how they could act defines their moral disposition.  If a white person could possibly not be racist, it does not mean that the possibility of not being racist, can be taken to mean that they are not racist. In ethical deliberations dealing with the problem of racism, it is common practice to attribute to historically racist institutions, and individuals universal moral qualities that have yet to be demonstrated.  This abstraction from reality is what frames our ethical norms and allows us to maintain, despite history or evidence, that racist entities will act justly given the choice.  Under such complexities, the only ethical deliberation concerning racism must be anti-ethical, or a judgment refusing to write morality onto immoral entities.
THE ROLE OF THE JUDGE IS TO BE AN ANTI-ETHICAL DECISION MAKER CONCERNED WITH THE DESTRUCTION OF CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE RUPTURING OF THE EUROPEAN CONCEPTION OF MAN. THE WORLD AS WE KNOW IT MUST END.

Curry 2013
Dr. Tommy; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical”

Racism is not unethical simply because it is a moral affront to the allegedly generalizable Western/white/enlightenment notion of humanity extended to Blacks by the liberal synonymy of citizenship. Racism is unethical, immoral, because it re-presents—makes known in the present— and acts to capture the Blacks urging the acknowledgment of racism in the ontological entity of modernity’s greatest oppression—the slave; the non-human. It is the historical event of their inhumanity introduced by modernity that allows the white to retreat so easily into the rationalization of their death and dehumanization. It is the memory of slavery, which motivates the white’s attachment to the contingency of Black life, and ultimately concludes that racism, while unfortunate, is/was necessary for America/the West, the world to exist and humanity/the citizen to reach its historical/imperial apex. Thus, MAN, the onto-anthropological basis of humanity and the cultural values that are simultaneously birthed to project humanity into existence is the origin of the oppressive conceptualizations of the other. Oppression “as is” was born out of and sustained by the exclusive morality of white/Western humanity against the barbarism imposed on the Black/African. As such, the nigger born of racism is behind all oppressions, since “it” is the cultural/epistemological/historical ontology to be deterred/ameliorated by being ethically deliberated upon—the nigger is the moral rock bottom of dehumanization. The oppressed is made nigger through dehumanization; the product of absolute debasement, while morality/virtue the valuations of ethics itself is reified perpetually by the activity of whiteness; its perpetual commanding of morality to conform to and justify their existence as the human. As Karen Gange writes in “On the Obsolence of Disciplines (2007), The shift out of our present conception of Man, out of our present “World System”—the one that places people of African descent and the ever-expanding global, transracial category of the homeless, jobless, and criminalized damned as the zero-most factor of Other to Western Man’s Self—has to be first and foremost a cultural shift, not an economic one. Until such a rupture in our conception of being human is brought forth, such “sociological” concerns as that of the vast global and local economic inequalities, immigration, labor policies, struggles about race, gender, class, and ethnicity, and struggles over the environment, global warming, and distribution of world resources, will remain status quo. 

WE CAN’T GET OUT OF THIS DISCUSSION! THE WORLD IS ROOTED IN ANTI-BLACKNESS BECAUSE IT SUTURED ITSELF AT THE EXCLUSION OF THE BLACK BODY THROUGH THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. THE WEALTH, PHILOSOPHY AND INSTITUTIONS OF EUROPE AND THE AMERICAS ARE ROOTED IN THE MIDDLE PASSAGE. THIS METAPHYSICAL HOLOCAUST MADE US THE ZERO POINT FOR IDENTITY, THE NON-HUMAN, A FUNGIBLE OBJECT FOR ANY SUBJECT. CIVIL SOCIETY CONTINUES TO INFORM ITSELF THROUGH THE ENSLAVEMENT OF THE SAVAGE NON-HUMAN. THE 1AC CHALLENGES YOU TO INTERROGATE ANTI-BLACKNESS WITHIN YOURSELVES. WE MUST EMBRACE THE ETHICAL DEMAND OF THE SLAVE BY DISCONFIGURING CIVIL SOCIETY.

Wilderson Professor of African American Studies and Drama @ UCI 2003
Frank B.; The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (silent) scandal CQ

Fanon writes, "Decolonization, which sets out to change the order of the world, is, obviously, a program of complete disorder." If we take him at his word, then we must accept that no other body functions in the Imaginary, the Symbolic, or the Real so completely as a repository of complete disorder as the black body. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Real, for in its magnetizing of bullets the black body functions as the map of gra¬tuitous violence, through which civil society is possible— namely, those bodies for which violence is, or can be, contingent. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Symbolic, for blackness in America generates no categories for the chromosome of history and no data for the categories of immigration or sovereignty. It is an experience without analog—a past without a heritage. Blackness is the site of absolute dereliction at the level of the Imaginary, for "whoever says 'rape' says Black" (Fanon), whoever says "prison" says black (Sexton), and whoever says "aids" says black—the "Negro is a phobogenic object." Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map of gratuitous violence, and a program of complete disorder. Whereas this realization is, and should be, cause for alarm, it should not be cause for lament or, worse, disavowal—not at least, for a true revolutionary or for a truly revolutionary movement such as prison abolition. If a social move¬ment is to be neither social-democratic nor Marxist in terms of structure of political desire, then it should grasp the invitation to assume the positionality of subjects of social death. If we are to be honest with ourselves, we must admit that the "Negro" has been inviting whites, as well as civil society's junior part¬ners, to the dance of social death for hundreds of years, but few have wanted to learn the steps. They have been, and remain today—even in the most antiracist movements, such as the prison abolition movement—invested elsewhere. This is not to say that all oppositional political desire today is pro-white, but it is usually antiblack, meaning that it will not dance with death. Black liberation, as a prospect, makes radicalism more dangerous to the United States. This is not because it raises the specter of an alternative polity (such as socialism or community control of existing resources), but because its condition of possibility and gesture of resistance function as a negative dialec¬tic: a politics of refusal and a refusal to affirm, a "program of complete disorder." One must embrace its disorder, its incoherence, and allow oneself to be elabo¬rated by it if, indeed, ones politics are to be underwritten by a desire to take down this country. If this is not the desire that underwrites ones politics, then through what strategy of legitimation is the word "prison" being linked to the word "abolition"? What are this movements lines of political accountability? There is nothing foreign, frightening, or even unpracticed about the embrace of disorder and incoherence. The desire to be embraced, and elaborated, by dis¬order and incoherence is not anathema in and of itself. No one, for example, has ever been known to say, "Gee-whiz, if only my orgasms would end a little sooner, or maybe not come at all." Yet few so-called radicals desire to be em¬braced, and elaborated, by the disorder and incoherence of blackness—and the state of political movements in the United States today is marked by this very Negrophobogenisis: "Gee-whiz, if only black rage could be more coherent, or maybe not come at all." Perhaps there is something more terrifying about the foy of black than there is in the joy of sex (unless one is talking sex with a Negro). Perhaps coalitions today prefer to remain in-orgasmic in the face of civil society—with hegemony as a handy prophylactic, just in case. If through this stasis or paralysis they try to do the work of prison abolition, the work will fail, for it is always work from a position of coherence (i.e., the worker) on behalf of a position of incoherence of the black subject, or prison slave. In this way, social formations on the left remain blind to the contradictions of coalitions between workers and slaves. They remain coalitions operating within the logic of civil society and function less as revolutionary promises than as crowding out scenarios of black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration. Whereas the positionality of the worker (whether a factory worker demand¬ing a monetary wage, an immigrant, or a white woman demanding a social wage) gestures toward the reconfiguration of civil society, the positionality of the black subject (whether a prison slave or a prison slave-in-waiting) gestures toward the disconfiguration of civil society. From the coherence of civil so¬ciety, the black subject beckons with the incoherence of civil war, a war that re¬claims blackness not as a positive value but as a politically enabling site, to quote Fanon, of "absolute dereliction." It is a "scandal" that rends civil society asun¬der. Civil war, then, becomes the unthought, but never forgotten, understudy of hegemony. It is a black specter waiting in the wings, an endless antagonism that cannot be satisfied (via reform or reparation) but that must, nonetheless, be pursued to the death.

I AFFIRM THE RESOLUTION AS A SITE FOR ALL DEVELOPING COUNTRIES TO DEMAND AN END TO WHITE CIVIL SOCIETY’S CLAIM OVER OUR BODIES. WE, AS BLACK PEOPLE, NEED TO REJECT WHITE VIRTUE AND THE WHITE’S AXIOMATIC CLAIM TO OUR BODIES BY PROTECTING OUR ENVIRONMENTS AND REJECTING THE EXTRACTION OF OUR BODIES.

Curry 2013
Dr. Tommy; “In the Fiat of Dreams: The Delusional Allure of Hope, the Reality of Anti-Black Violence and the Demands of the Anti-Ethical”

Anti-ethics; the call to demystify the present concept of man as illusion, as delusion, and as stratagem, is the axiomatic rupture of white existence and the multiple global oppressions like capitalism, militarism, genocide, and globalization, that formed the evaluative nexus which allows whites to claim they are the civilized guardians of the world’s darker races. It is the rejection of white virtue, the white’s axiomatic claim to humanity that allows the Black, the darker world to sow the seeds of consciousness towards liberation from oppression. When white (in)humanity is no longer an obstacle weighed against the means for liberation from racism, the oppressed are free to overthrow the principles that suggest their paths to liberation are immoral and hence not possible. To accept the oppressor as is, the white made manifest in empire, is to transform white western (hu)man from semi-deitous sovereign citizen to contingent, mortal, and un-otherable. In short, seeing whites as they are is the proof that Black consciousness has shifted our present conception of man and has found a new teleological/cultural orientation; an endarkening path towards a new humanity.  

THE 1AC’S AFFIRMATION OF BLACKNESS IS THE ONLY POLITICS OF LIFE AFFIRMATION THAT WE HAVE ACCESS TO.

Sexton Associate professor of African American studies and film and media studies @ UCI 2011

Jared; “The Social Life of Social Death: On Afro-Pessimism and Black Optimism” InTensions Journal 2011 by York University (Toronto, Canada)

Elsewhere, in a discussion of Du Bois on the study of black folk, Gordon restates an existential phenomenological conception of the antiblack world developed across his first several books: “Blacks here suffer the phobogenic reality posed by the spirit of racial seriousness. In effect, they more than symbolize or signify various social pathologies—they become them. In our antiblack world, blacks are pathology” (Gordon 2000: 87). This conception would seem to support Moten’s contention that even much radical black studies scholarship sustains the association of blackness with a certain sense of decay and thereby fortifies and extends the interlocutory life of widely accepted political common sense. In fact, it would seem that Gordon deepens the already problematic association to the level of identity. And yet, this is precisely what Gordon argues is the value and insight of Fanon: he fully accepts the definition of himself as pathological as it is imposed by a world that knows itself through that imposition, rather than remaining in a reactive stance that insists on the (temporal, moral, etc.) heterogeneity between a self and an imago originating in culture. Though it may appear counterintuitive, or rather because it is counterintuitive, this acceptance or affirmation is active; it is a willing or willingness, in other words, to pay whatever social costs accrue to being black, to inhabiting blackness, to living a black social life under the shadow of social death. This is not an accommodation to the dictates of the antiblack world. The affirmation of blackness, which is to say an affirmation of pathological being, is a refusal to distance oneself from blackness in a valorization of minor differences that bring one closer to health, to life, or to sociality. Fanon writes in the first chapter of Black Skin, White Masks, “The Black Man and Language”: “A Senegalese who learns Creole to pass for Antillean is a case of alienation. The Antilleans who make a mockery out of him are lacking in judgment” (Fanon 2008: 21). In a world structured by the twin axioms of white superiority and black inferiority, of white existence and black nonexistence, a world structured by a negative categorical imperative— “above all, don’t be black” (Gordon 1997: 63)—in this world, the zero degree of transformation is the turn toward blackness, a turn toward the shame, as it were, that “resides in the idea that ‘I am thought of as less than human’” (Nyong’o 2002: 389).xiv In this we might create a transvaluation of pathology itself, something like an embrace of pathology without pathos. 24 To speak of black social life and black social death, black social life against black social death, black social life as black social death, black social life in black social death—all of this is to find oneself in the midst of an argument that is also a profound agreement, an agreement that takes shape in (between) meconnaissance and (dis)belief. Black optimism is not the negation of the negation that is afro-pessimism, just as black social life does not negate black social death by inhabiting it and vitalizing it. A living death is as much a death as it is a living. Nothing in afro-pessimism suggests that there is no black (social) life, only that black life is not social life in the universe formed by the codes of state and civil society, of citizen and subject, of nation and culture, of people and place, of history and heritage, of all the things that colonial society has in common with the colonized, of all that capital has in common with labor—the modern world system. Black life is not lived in the world that the world lives in, but it is lived underground, in outer space. This is agreed. That is to say, what Moten asserts against afropessimism is a point already affirmed by afro-pessimism, is, in fact, one of the most polemical dimensions of afro-pessimism as a project: namely, that black life is not social, or rather that black life is lived in social death. Double emphasis, on lived and on death.