Tournament: Scarsdale | Round: 1 | Opponent: unknown | Judge: unknown
Ishmael CP
Util Module
TEXT: Developing countries should sponsor state-led resource extraction with high level citizen participation in the local and national decision-making process and directly distribute profits from the industry to the involved parties. 

COMPETITION: The counterplan engages in resource extraction, so any permutation would A. be severance because it kicks out of the parts of their advocacy that prevent extraction and B. textually negate because they fail to prioritize environmental protection over resource extraction.

NET BENEFITS:

Public participation creates equitable redistribution.
SLACK 1
Keith Slack, 2004. Senior Policy Advisor for Oxfam America. “Sharing the Riches of the Earth: Democratizing Natural Resource-Led Development” Ethics and International Affairs
Increased public participation in revenue management can take a variety of forms, includeing direct revenue transfers to civil society groups, public review and approval of local and national budgets, and local and national discussion forums on the distribution of mineral revenues. Extracted resources have several distinctive features— they are nonrenewable; there is only one chance to use them well; they are “an endowment to society” 29 (rather than an asset produced by capital and labor); and they have serious social and environmental impacts that tend to affect adversely poor and marginalized people—which make robust public participation in decision-making regarding their management particularly appropriate. As will be discussed below in the context of Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia, this situation may be changing as social protest over unfair resource extraction practices has reached a point in some countries where it may be jeopardizing future foreign investment in these sectors. 28 The mid-1990s protests in the United States and Europe against Royal Dutch Shell over the execution of Nigerian human rights activist Ken Saro-Wiwa are perhaps one exception to this general rule. At its root, participation can be thought of as a way to address distributive justice associated with resource extraction. Indeed, theories of distributive justice evolved as a means of addressing questions concerning the conditions under which natural resources could be appropriated and used, and how inequitable access to natural resources should be addressed. In my view, distributive justice demands not only that natural resource extraction be undertaken in a manner that contributes to the overall improvement of the lives of all citizens of a country (with special weight given to the least advantaged), but also that they provide particular benefits (and compensation for harm) to individuals whose livelihoods are adversely affected by extraction activity. As noted above, in most developing countries, resource extraction takes place in areas populated by the poorest and most marginalized groups, often including indigenous peoples. Thus it is doubly appropriate for populations in extraction areas to receive special consideration in the distribution of resource rents since they are both the most impacted by extractive operations and are generally among the least advantaged persons within developing countries. The nonpoor in extraction areas should also receive a greater share of benefits than those who are comparably well off in nonextraction areas. This, however, is of little practical significance in developing countries, because the nonpoor are less likely to tolerate resource extraction activity in the areas in which they live, and thus seldom live in resource extraction areas. The poor in nonextraction areas should also receive a greater proportion of the benefits of extraction than the nonpoor in nonextraction areas. Poor populations generally suffer disproportionately from problems related to the government’s dependence on extractive revenues, such as the economic shocks to which resource-dependent economies are particularly vulnerable, and which can wipe out the poor’s modest savings.

Equitable distribution solves state failure by making things like secession politically unpalatable.
BILLON
Philippe Le Billon, 2001. Professor at the University of British Columbia with the Department of Geography and the Liu Institute for Global Issues. “The political ecology of war: natural resources and armed con?icts”
Resources can also motivate secessions in resource-rich regions. In this case, the capture of the prize does not require the control of the country but only the de facto sovereignty of the areas necessary for resource control and trade. Resources can thus greatly influence the control, transformation and production of territories. Similar to conflicts over state control, popular political agendas or more personal greed-driven initiatives can motivate secessions. The likelihood of political secession increases when ‘outsiders’ are perceived to extract ‘local’ resources without sharing the wealth, and when local populations are displaced by the extractive industry or suffer from its environmental costs. The distribution of benefits and externalities has fuelled the Biafra secession and rebellions in the Delta region of Nigeria, Aceh in Indonesia, and the Cabinda enclave in Angola, to name but a few examples of conflicts in oil-rich regions. While many of these secessions have an indigenous political base, domestic or external actors manipulating local political identities for commercial interests also motivate some. The most glaring example is that of the secession of Katanga in former Zaire. This region was first politically invented by Belgian and Anglo-Saxon interests to secure a hold on its copper mines. In the wake of independence it was used by indigenous political leaders eager to distance themselves from Kinshasa (Balancie and de La Grange, 1999; Fairhead, 2000). The fear of secession can also lead to severe repression by the central government. Southern Sudan, with its conflict over oil, grazing land, and cattle is an example of how resource control can play into seccessionist agendas (Nyot Kok, 1992; Keen, 1994). The attempt of insurgents on the island of Bougainville to secede from Papua New Guinea, was in part related to the control of copper revenues (Boge, 1998).

Public participation and civil society strengthens government.
SLACK 3
Keith Slack, 2004. Senior Policy Advisor for Oxfam America. “Sharing the Riches of the Earth: Democratizing Natural Resource-Led Development” Ethics and International Affairs
In recent years, development theorists and institutions such as the World Bank have promoted public participation in development as a key component of good governance—the effective and efficient delivery by the state of public services. The strengthening of civil society as a counterweight to the state has been an important part of the application of this theory, which began to evolve out of a realization that in many countries the malfunctioning of the state, through corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, or in other ways was itself impeding development. In 1998, World Bank president James Wolfensohn noted that participation is the “key to long-term sustainability and leverage. We must never stop reminding ourselves that it is up to the government and its people to decide what their priorities should be.”35 The application of these principles to resource revenue management, however, is much less developed, but the Bank has recently attempted to implement some of these ideas in recent high-profile resource extraction projects, most notably in the Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline project, which features an innovative revenue management oversight committee that includes representatives from civil society organizations. The committee is charged with monitoring the Chadian government’s use of revenues generated by the pipeline project.

Weak and failing states breed terrorism, international crime, weapons proliferation, and regional instability.
WYLER 08
Liana Sun Wyler, August 28, 2008 Analyst in International Crime and Narcotics Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division. “Weak and Failing States: Evolving Security Threats and U.S. Policy” Congressional Research Service
Analysts identify numerous links between weak and failing states and transnational security threats, ranging from terrorism and nuclear proliferation to the spread of infectious diseases, environmental degradation, and energy security. U.S. national security documents generally address weak states in relation to four key threat areas: (1) terrorism, (2) international crime, (3) nuclear proliferation, and (4) regional instability. Other analysts caution, however, that despite anecdotal evidence supporting a potential nexus between state weakness and today’s security threats, weak states may not necessarily harbor U.S. national security threats. Furthermore, the weakest states may not necessarily be the most significant threats to U.S. national security; relatively functional states, characterized by some elements of weakness rather than complete state collapse, may also be sites from which threats can emerge Terrorism. According to several analyses, weak and failing states are perceived as “primary bases of operations” for most U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations, including Al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, and Jaish-IMohammed. Terrorists can benefit from lax or non-existent law enforcement in these states to participate in illicit economic activities to finance their operations and ease their access to weapons and other equipment. As with Afghanistan in 2001, weak and failing states can also be ideal settings for terrorist training grounds, when the host country’s government is unable to control or govern parts of its territory. States mired in conflict also provide terrorists with opportunities to gain on-theground paramilitary experience. Researchers find, however, that not all weak states serve as safe havens for international terrorists. Terrorists have been known to exploit safe havens in nonweak as well as weak states. The Political Instability Task Force, a research group commissioned by the Central Intelligence Agency, found in a 2003 report that terrorists operate in both “caves” (i.e., failed states, where militant groups can exist with impunity) and “condos” (i.e., states that have the infrastructure to support the international flow of illicit people, funds, and information). The preference for “condos” suggests that countries most devoid of functioning government institutions may sometimes be less conducive to a terrorist presence than countries that are still weak, but retain some governmental effectiveness.15 International Crime. As with terrorist groups, international criminal organizations benefit from safe havens that weak and failing states provide. According to the U.S. Interagency Working Group report on international crime, weak states can be useful sites through which criminals can move illicit contraband and launder their proceeds, due to unenforced laws and high levels of official corruption.16 Since the Cold War, the international community has seen a surge in the number of transnational crime groups emerging in safe havens of weak, conflict-prone states — especially in the Balkans, Central Asia, and West Africa. Criminal groups can thrive off the illicit needs of failing states, especially those subject to international sanctions; regimes and rebel groups have been known to solicit the services of vast illicit arms trafficking networks to fuel deadly conflicts in countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Sudan when arms embargoes had been imposed by the United Nations and other members of the international community.17 Links between transnational crime and terrorists groups are also apparent: Al Qaeda and Hezbollah have worked with several criminal actors, ranging from rebel groups in the West African diamond trade to crime groups in the Tri-Border region of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay, among others.18 In 2008, a U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) official stated that at least 19 of 43 Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) listed by the State Department have established links to drug trafficking.19 Some researchers contend, however, that the weakest states are not necessarily the most attractive states for international criminals. This may be because some illicit transnational groups might be too dependent on access to global financial services, modern telecommunication systems, transportation, and infrastructure that do not exist in weak states. Researchers also find that some forms of international crime are more associated with weak states than others. Narcotics trafficking and illicit arms smuggling, for example, often flow through weak states. However, other types, such as counterfeiting and financial fraud, may be more prevalent in wealthier states.20 Weapons Proliferation. Weak and failing states, unable or unwilling to guarantee the security of nuclear, chemical, biological, and radiological (CBRN) materials and related equipment, may facilitate underground networks that smuggle them. Endemic corruption and weak border controls raise the possibility of these states being used as transshipment points for illicit CBRN trafficking. Porous international borders and weak international controls have contributed to 1,080 confirmed nuclear and radiological material trafficking cases by member states from 1993 to 2006, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.21 The majority of smuggled nuclear material reportedly originates in Central Asia and the Caucasus where known stockpiles are said to be inadequately monitored.22 Other sources of concern include poorly secured materials in research, industrial, and medical facilities. A relatively new region of concern for the United States is Africa, where more than 18 of the world’s known recoverable uranium resources exist. Lax regulations, weak governments, and remotely located mines that are difficult to supervise combine to make the removal and trafficking of radioactive substances in Africa “a very real prospect.”23 Analysts also contend that while the potential for weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) trafficking through weak states is considerable, most weak states may be unlikely destinations for smuggled WMD devices. Such equipment requires a certain level of technological sophistication that may not exist in some weak and failing states.24 Regional Instability. According to recent research, states do not always become weak or failed in isolation — and the spread of instability across a region can serve as a critical multiplier of state vulnerability to threats. Instability has a tendency to spread beyond a weak state’s political borders, through overwhelming refugee flows, increased arms smuggling, breakdowns in regional trade, and many other ways.25 The National Intelligence Council acknowledges that state failure and its associated regional implications pose an “enormous cost in resources and time” to the United States.26

SOLVENCY:

1. Increased participation prevents backlash against environmental policies.
   IRVIN 04
   Renee A. Irvin, assistant professor in the Department of Planning, Public Policy, and Management at the University of Oregon. John Stansbury, associate professor of civil engineering at the University of Nebraska. Jan/Feb 2004. “Citizen Participation in Decisionmaking: is it Worth the Effort?” Public Administration Review
   Notwithstanding the ambiguous mention of using scarce resources, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) should be commended for its efforts to incorporate more citizen involvement into environmental protection programs (Fiorino 2000). With improved community relations as a motivating goal, the EPA pushed for national and regional enhancements in environmental decision making throughout the latter half of the 19903. This ambitious effort has not been limited to the EPA, nor to environmental management. At all levels of government, citizen-participation programs have been launched since the l950s (Day 1997), with the underlying assumption that if citizens become actively involved as participants in their democracy, the governance that emerges from this process will be more democratic and more effective. Arguments for enhanced citizen participation often rest on the merits of the process and the belief that an engaged citizenry is better than a passive citizenry (King, Feltey, and Susel 1998; Putnam 1995; Arnstein 1969). With citizen participation, formulated policies might be more realistically grounded in citizen preferences, the public might become more sympathetic evaluators of the tough decisions that government administrators have to make, and the improved support from the public might create a less divisive, combative populace to govern and regulate. However, incorporating citizen input into agency decision making is not a costless process. This article articulates not just the potential benefits, but also the social and economic costs of community participation, so that policy makers may better predict the usefulness of citizen participation initiatives. The article first explores the potentially wide-ranging benefits of enhanced community participation. Drawbacks to community participation are evaluated next, including a brief discussion of the relative costs of citizen participation versus representational decision making. We then describe an attempt to incorporate community participation into a management program for a degraded urban watershed, and note the characteristics that made this project unusually challenging. We highlight place-based characteristics that may predict the success or failure of community participation programs. In effect, we take a step back from the “how to" literature to determine whether to at all.
   She continues
   Renee A. Irvin, assistant professor in the Department of Planning, Public Policy, and Management at the University of Oregon. John Stansbury, associate professor of civil engineering at the University of Nebraska. Jan/Feb 2004. “Citizen Participation in Decisionmaking: is it Worth the Effort?” Public Administration Review
   Participatory structures such as citizen advisory boards were adopted in the 1980s and 1990s to improve upon the one-way flow of information in public hearings on proposed environmental policies. The review and comment methodology-decide on the policy, then introduce it to the public in a public hearing-is a poor educational vehicle for complex topics, not to mention grossly inadequate as a persuasion tool, though it is still used extensively (Beierle I999). In some areas of the rural West, actions on the part of environmental regulators are met with hostility because the government entity is regarded strictly as an outsider, unfamiliar and unsympathetic to local economic conditions. Kenney describes this hostility: “Why is it nearly impossible to take a breath of western air or a drink of western water without heating laments of federal paternalism, and without being aware of the stirrings of new ‘Sagebrush Rebellions’..." (2000, 57). In this milieu, a small community can stage a media-friendly protest event and ignite sympathies nationwide. Such events provide grist for the political mill, and even national-level environmental protection funding may be jeopardized in response. Rourke describes how intense media attention can derail an agency‘s well-intended programs: “Any sudden expansion in the public that takes an interest in its activities may be a threat for an executive agency… The agency may thus come under a critical scrutiny it had never experienced, and it may soon find itself under strong pressure to change the thrust of its decisions” (I984, 51--52). Citizen participation in environmental policy formation, therefore, is useful for informing regulators of exactly where volatile public backlash is likely to occur, and for winning the sympathies of a few influential citizens in places where opposition to environmental regulation is strongest.

2. The aff is impossible for developing countries because they are dependent on resources. The CP functions as a prerequisite to the aff by reducing dependence.
SLACK 4
Keith Slack, 2004. Senior Policy Advisor for Oxfam America. “Sharing the Riches of the Earth: Democratizing Natural Resource-Led Development” Ethics and International Affairs
The improvement of current extraction practice can be seen as a means of furthering the transition away from the “extractive paradigm.” If extraction can be made more just, perhaps then the newly empowered civil societies in extraction-dependent countries can increase their pressure for a more just world order. Nevertheless, the obstacles to even this rather preliminary step are formidable. In the short to medium terms, however, poor countries like Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia cannot feasibly undertake policies that dramatically reduce their dependence on resource extraction, so it remains important to promote policies that help to limit or compensate for the harms that extractive practices engender. It is also important, however, to clarify the means by which states can be pressured to adopt these policies. International financial institution conditionality—delinked from profit motive— could be one way to provide incentives to otherwise reluctant states. Making participation a component of a “green” premium paid by Northern consumers of extractive products may be another. Ultimately, by demonstrating a real commitment to participation and respecting local concerns about resource extraction, governments may increase their legitimacy in the eyes of the populace, thus enhancing their stability and long-term economic prospects. Most importantly, greater opportunities for public participation in revenue distribution decision-making, particularly for the most impacted poor and marginalized groups, can and intensify the pressure on governments to use wisely the benefits derived from these natural endowments.

Tournament: Malcolm A Bump Memorial | Round: 2 | Opponent: unknown | Judge: unknown
Power NC
Framework
I negate ought implies moral obligation.  Thus I value morality.
 Questions of morality or ethics are only relevant in terms of the government, since they have specific obligations to their people. The origin of government is based on individuals coming together to centralize power under a sovereign that protects its citizens wellbeing and security. Governments are thus obligated to the public good so it derives its authority from fulfilling its obligations.
WEST explains
Robin West. "Rights, Capabilities, and the Good Society." Fordham Law Review Vol. 69 Issue 5.
Second, a recognition that rights might sometimes be positive entitlements to state action, as well as, at other times, negative entitlements to be free of state action, is truer to the philosophical liberal classics that animate the liberal tradition than the insistence of liberal constitutional rights theorists on the essential negativity of rights. Let me start with Thomas Hobbes. Hobbes regarded the positive obligation of the state to protect individuals against private violence as being at the heart of the social contract. The individual's right to that protection was the only "right" created by the transition from nature into civil society. Otherwise, the Hobbesian Leviathan can do what it wishes and the individual citizen must submit-the Hobbesian citizen does indeed lack negative rights. This is not so, however, with respect to the state's duty to protect the individual against private violence: there, the state is bound to act affirmatively, and the individual is fully entitled to a positive right. This positive right of the citizen to the state's affirmative action was by no means a peripheral feature of Hobbes' jurisprudence. Rather, the bargain struck-the individual relinquishes self help, in exchange for the state's obligation to protect him from violence-was, for Hobbes, the raison d'8tre of the state's existence. The Leviathan's protection of the individual against the private violence of others is the quid pro quo for the individual's relinquishment of his right to self-help available to him in the state of nature.' The individual, in other words, is just as contractually entitled to receive that protection as the state is obligated to provide it-in short, the citizen has a right to it. The state's obligation to protect the citizen against private violence and the citizen's continuing right to receive it, in Hobbes' view, was foundational and inalienable. If we take Hobbes seriously, the individual has a right to the state's protection against the violence or aggression of other private parties-for Hobbes, this was, to borrow a phrase from Steven Heyman's important article on this point, the "first duty of government.”

Thus, the government’s obligation is to protect the wellbeing of its citizens. The best way for a government to protect its citizens is by respecting their inherent value as individuals.  To be moral, humans must be treated as ends in themselves because they have an intrinsic worth.
Rachels, 1986, (James, American philosopher who specialized in ethics and animal rights,“Kantian Theory: The Idea of Human Dignity”, The Elements of Moral Philosophy, http://public.callutheran.edu/~chenxi/phil345_022.pdf)
Act so that you treat humanity, whether in your own person or in that of another, always as an end and never as a means only.  First, because people have desires and ‘goals, other things have value for them, in relation to their projects. Mere “things” (and this includes nonhuman animals, whom Kant considered unable to have self-conscious desires and goals) have value only as means to ends, and it is human ends that give them value. Thus if you want to become a better chess player, a book of chess instruction will have value for you; but apart from such ends the book has no value . Or if you want to travel about, a car will have value for you; but apart from this desire the car will have no value. Second, and even more important, humans have “an intrinsic worth, i.e., dignity,” because they are rational agents - that is, free agents capable of making their own decisions, setting their own goals, and guiding their conduct by reason. Because the moral law is the law of reason, rational beings are the embodiment of the moral law itself. The only way that moral goodness can exist at all in the world is for rational creatures to apprehend what they should do and, acting from a sense of duty, do it. This, Kant thought, is the only thing that has “moral worth.” Thus-if there were no rational beings, the moral dimension of the world would simply disappear. It makes no sense, therefore, to regard rational beings merely as one kind of valuable thing among others. They are the beings for whom mere “things” have value, and they are the beings whose conscientious actions have moral worth. So Kant concludes that their value must be absolute, and not comparable to the value of anything else.

My value criterion is protection of citizen’s rights. Violations of freedom and justice must be evaluated before every other impact.

Petro Professor of Law 74.
Sylvester Petro, Prof of Law @ Wake Forest U, University of Toledo Law Review, pg. 4801)

However, one may still insist, echoing Ernest Hemingway - "I believe in only one thing: liberty." And it is always well to bear in mind David Hume's observation: " It is seldom that liberty of any kind is lost all at once." Thus, it is unacceptable to say that the invasion of one aspect of freedom is of no import because there have been invasions of so many other aspects. That road leads to chaos, tyranny, despotism, and the end of all human aspiration . Ask Solzhenitsyn. Ask Milovan Djilas. In sum, if one believes in freedom as a supreme value and the Proper ordering; principle for any society aiming to maximize spiritual and material welfare, then every invasion of freedom must be emphatically identified and resisted with undying spirit.

Contention Level
Sixth Amendment right to counsel is incoherent without ACP and ACP is key to fair trial protections. Upheld by Supreme Court
Cohn Marjorie Cohn, The Evisceration of the Attorney-Client Privilege in the Wake of September 11, 2001, 71 FORDHAM L. REV. 1233 (2003).
The accused in a criminal case has the right to the effective assistance of counsel for his defense.44 This guarantee extends to investigation and preparation of a defense, as well as to the trial itself.45 The right to counsel includes the right to communicate with one's attorney.46 Indeed, the fairness of a trial can be compromised if a defendant's right to effectively communicate with counsel is "inadequately respected during pre-trial confinement. '47 The Sixth Amendment's guarantee of effective assistance of counsel requires "free two-way communication between client and attorney. ' 4 In Weatherford v. Bursey, the Supreme Court wrote: "The Sixth Amendment's assistance-of-counsel guarantee can be meaningfully implemented only if a criminal defendant knows that his communications with his attorney are private and that his lawful preparations for trial are secure against intrusion by the government, his adversary in the criminal proceeding. 

Additional power inevitably leads to government corruption.
Daily Times Editorial: Change to Bill of Rights is bad idea By the Daily Times, Delaware County, Pa. POSTED: 08/09/13, 7:09 AM EDT
To believe that the government and its bureaucrats won't misuse the new power that McGovern wants to give them (and himself) is to ignore the history of the civilized world. The answer to speech we don't like is more speech; to convince others of the rightness of our positions. It is not to pass laws limiting what anyone, or any group of people might get together to say. The more people who realize the pernicious effect a monumental change to our Bill of Rights would have, the more quickly this bad idea will die a well-deserved death.

The brink is now: the NSA is already pushing to expand Executive authority.
OPSAHL 6/21
Kurt Opsahl, Senior Staff Attorney @ Electronic Frontier Foundation. “In Depth Review: New NSA Documents Expose How Americans Can Be Spied On Without a Warrant.” Electronic Frontier Foundation. June 21, 2013. AS
The ACP attorney client privilege is a long-standing feature of American law, one of the oldest and most cherished privileges through out the ages. As one court explained, it is the cornerstone of the privilege is “that one who seeks advice or aid from a lawyer should be completely free of any fear that his secrets will be uncovered.” The NSA document shows they cut through this privilege like a hot knife through butter. The NSA only has to stop looking at the communication if the person is known to be under criminal indictment in the United States and communicating with her attorney for that particular matter. This remarkably myopic view of the privilege means communications between attorneys and clients in many cases will be unduly spied on. This is exactly what the ACLU was worried about when they challenged the constitutionality of the FISA Amendments Act. They alleged that attorneys working with clients overseas had an ethical obligation not to electronically communicate with them because the NSA was likely able to read their emails. While the Supreme Court dismissed their suit for lack of standing, these documents at least in part, confirm their fears. This could also mean any attorney-client communications with someone like Julian Assange of WikiLeaks, who has never been publicly acknowledged as indicted in the U.S., would be fair game. Even where the privilege applies, the NSA does not destroy the information. The privileged nature is noted in the log, to “protect it” from use in criminal prosecutions, but the NSA is free to retain and use the information for other purposes. No limits on other uses, so long as the NSA General Counsel approves. This is a complete perversion of the attorney-client privilege. The privilege is designed to allow free communication of attorneys and those who they represent, so the client can get good counsel without hiding the truth from his attorney. It is not simply about preventing that communication from being used as evidence in a criminal case.

This decrease in protection violates the individual’s ability to defend their own actions
McChrystal
http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1289andcontext=elders
 A key aspect of legal ethics, derived from agency principles, is that the client (as the principal) runs the show in an attorney-client relationship. According to this view, the job of the lawyer is to gather relevant facts, research relevant law, and provide the client with a balanced presentation of the available options, including the benefits and risks of each alternative. It is then for the client to decide how to proceed and to instruct the attorney as to what to do next. Professor Paul Tremblay has expressed this view of the attorney's role quite succinctly: A lawyer should ordinarily refrain from expressing an opinion regarding the relative merit of any choice available to the client. To guide the client's decision by doing so is inconsistent with the policy of informed consent because clients are unlikely to resist lawyer influence, which results in lawyer-centered rather than client-centered decisions. Although perhaps not exactly a breach of ethics cite omitted, such a practice is tactically inappropriate.' The strength of the concern for client autonomy is well illustrated by the powerful rules of confidentiality and attorney-client privilege. These rules protect client autonomy by establishing that the client remains in control of information developed in the course of legal representation. The client's right to control the information means that the client may be more willing to share information, there- by leading to a more comprehensive factual picture and a more appropriate set of options to pursue. In this way, the law protects the client's autonomy.

Violation of freedom negates the value of human existence and represents the greatest threat to human survival.
Rand 89
(Ayn Rand, Philosopher, July 1989, “The Virtue of Selfishness: A New Concept of Egoism,” p. 145)
A society that robs and individual of the product of his effort, or enslaves him, or attempts to limit the freedom of his mind, or compels him to act against his own rational judgment, a society that sets up a conflict between it’s ethics and the requirements of man’s nature – is not, strictly speaking, a society, but a mob held together by institutionalized gang-rule. Such a society destroys all values of human coexistence, has no possible justification, and represents, not a source of benefits, but the deadliest threat to man’s survival. Life on desert island is safer than and incomparably preferable than existence in Soviet Russia or Nazi Germany. 

By removing an explicit right currently guaranteed to the individual, the human value is undermined by the drive of the majority for authority and power.

Thus I negate.

Tournament: Scarsdale | Round: 6 | Opponent: unknown | Judge: unknown
Author information:
This is a paper prepared for the UNDP. I thank Kamal Malhotra, Yilmaz Akyuz, Murray ¶ Gibbs, Gerry Helleiner, Gita Sen, UNDP staff and participants in a brainstorming meeting held ¶ in New York on October 13-14, 2000 for comments and suggestions, and Zoe McLaren for ¶ editorial assistance. The paper draws extensively on several of my previous writings, including ¶ most notably Rodrik (1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2001a, and 2001b). The responsibility for opinions in ¶ this paper rests solely with their author, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by ¶ the United Nations Development Programme or the institutions of the United Nations system. ¶ THE GLOBAL GOVERNANCE OF TRADE ¶ ¶ AS IF DEVELOPMENT REALLY MATTERED* ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ Dani Rodrik ¶ Harvard University ¶ ¶ John F. Kennedy School of Government ¶ 79 Kennedy Street ¶ Cambridge, MA 02138 ¶ (617) 495-9454 ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ ¶ Revised ¶ July 2001 

LINK

MY OPPONENT ADVOCATES FOR A METHOD BY WHICH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES SHOULD BE INTEGRATED INTO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: ie. through the_
Trade has become the lens through which development is perceived.
Rodrick 1
It is widely accepted,... reduction is framed through the lens of economic growth.
Rodrick 2
This is a largely unproductive ...as far as policy choices and priorities are concerned.
By explaining benefits of economic development in terms of benefit to the global economy, my opponent furthers the Anglo-American lens of development.
Rodrick 3
Operationally, these institutional reforms have ...standards and of the WTO agreements.
?
Impact

Many variable sustainable market ...determined internally.
Rodrick 4
Market economies rely on a... And even within Europe, there are large differences between the institutional arrangements in, say, Sweden and Germany.Over the long term, each of these variants has performed equally well.5

If debaters are not skeptical of the current American trade-based model for economic development, we ignore other possibilities for a well-functioning economy to develop.
Rodrick 5
The point about institutional ...compatible with a well-functioning market economy

Such a viewpoint fundamentally precludes the necessary self-direction that each country must take.  We must recognize the importance of developing countries choosing their own path.
Rodrick 6

In this alternative view, ...national practices and institutions.  
Alternative

We must shift our viewpoint to incorporate an understanding of development based on common shared cross-cultural goals.
Rodrick 7
But once one views the trade regime...multilateral trading regime.

The first step is to remove trade from our discussion.  Trade is not normatively good. Rodrick 8
Trade is a means to an end, ...those of their workers
and consumers.

We must recognize the importance of institutional development rather than trade in general to development of countries.  (for example, Norweigh with the proper institutions was able to avoid Dutch Desiese).
Rodrick 9
I shall present here an alternative ...investors and tailored to domestic institutional realities.

Prioritization from a policy perspective changes on a case-by-case basis. Thus, our discussion must focus on specific examples.  Autonomous decision making is key.
Rodrick 10
But once one views the trade regime... requirements of market access. 

We must recognize the ability of developing nations to choose their own path.  In order to do so, we cannot frame what developing countries prioritize from the viewpoint of global market benefits.
Rodrick 11
It is in such an external environment ...and significantly more restrictive.  ?
Underview

The structures of knowledge which we engage as debaters are constituted by this underlying Eurocentric supremacy.  We must primarily recognize the validity of varying perspectives.
ALCOFF 7
(Linda, professor of philosophy at Syracuse University, ... departments, it is not necessary to have a single one.

Tournament: Harvard | Round: 2 | Opponent: Unknown | Judge: Unknown
We must change how we discuss developing countries in order to reform our view as debaters.
Schmidt, Jean Monnet Professor of European Integration  Department of International Relations, Boston University 07 (Vivien, “Bringing the State Back Into the Varieties of Capitalism  And Discourse Back Into the Explanation of Change”, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series 152, 2007, University of Michigan Libraries)AS
Thus, although historical institutionalists ...other than in the early Hall, none of this is developed theoretically in these works.

My opponent advocates for a one-size-fits-all solution to the resolution.  Many variable sustainable development structures exist.  We as debaters must understand that no one solution will necessarily work for multiple countries if any, as the framework for economic success is determined internally.
Rodrick 4
Market economies rely on a wide array of...variants has performed equally well.5

If debaters are not skeptical of the current American model for development, we ignore other possibilities for well-functioning countries to develop.  We must expand our view beyond the priorities of American philosophers and scholars.
Rodrick 5
The point about institutional diversity ...compatible with a well-functioning market economy

Such a viewpoint fundamentally precludes the necessary self-direction that each country must take.  We must recognize the importance of developing countries choosing their own path.
Rodrick 6

In this alternative view,... between different national practices and institutions.  
We must shift our viewpoint to incorporate an understanding of development based on common shared cross-cultural goals.  Reports such as the MDGR reports provide the perfect medium to explore foreign nation priorities (by citing native authors).
Rodrick 7
But once one views the trade regime-... foundation for the
multilateral trading regime.

We must recognize the ability of developing nations to choose their own path.  In order to do so, we cannot frame what developing countries prioritize from the viewpoint of global market benefits.
Rodrick 10

It is in such an external environment that ... different and significantly more restrictive.