Tournament: Harvard and GFCA State | Round: 2 | Opponent: Any | Judge: any

My value is justice because the term should expresses obligations. A government can only source its obligations to upholding fairness because society can only exist when all members are met with legitimate expectations of fairness- only this explains why rational individuals would exit a state of nature and consent to government coercion.

Rawls 99   A Theory of Justice Revised Edition. 1999. Print. Harvard Press

 Some measure of agreement in conceptions of justice is, however, not the only a prerequisite for a viable human community. There are other fundamental social problems, in particular those of coordination, ef?ciency, and stability. Thus the plans of individuals need to be ?tted together so that their activities are compatible with one another and they can all be carried through without anyone’s legitimate expectations being severely disappointed. Moreover, the execution of these plans should lead to the achievement of social ends in ways that are ef?cient and consistent with justice. And ?nally, the scheme of social cooperation must be stable: it must be more or less regularly and complied with and its basic rules willingly acted upon; and when infractions occur, stabilizing forces should exist that prevent further violations and tend to restore the arrangement. Now it is evident that these three problems are connected with that of justice.  In the absence of a certain measure of agreement on what is just and unjust, it is clearly more dif?cult for individuals to coordinate their plans ef?ciently in order to insure that mutually bene?cial arrangements are maintained. Distrust and resentment corrode the ties of civility, and suspicion and hostility tempt men to act in ways they would otherwise avoid.  So while the distinctive role of conceptions of justice is to specify basic rights and duties and to determine the appropriate distributive shares, the way in which a conception does this is bound to affect the problems of ef?ciency, coordination, and stability. We cannot, in general, assess a conception of justice by its distributive role alone, however useful this role may be in identifying the concept of justice. We must take into account its wider connections; for even though justice has a certain prior- ity, being the most important virtue of institutions, it is still true that, other things equal, one conception of justice is preferable to another when its broader consequences are more desirable. P. 5-6

Therefore, the governments of developing nations should only act in a manner that upholds justice. And, because people aren’t given a choice where they are born, there is no morally relevant distinction between people in a developing nation and  Luxemburg.

Arneson 97 explains the lottery of birth.

RN Arneson. Professor in the Department of Philosophy at the University of California, San Diego. "Rawls, Responsibility, and Distributive Justice."  The essay is supposed to appear in Justice, Political Liberalism, and Utilitarianism: Themes from Harsanyi and Rawls , ed. by Maurice Salles and John A. Weymark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) but it didn’t I guess. philosophyfaculty.ucsd.edu/faculty/rarneson/rawlsresponsibilityanddistributivejustice.pdf

In A Theory of Justice John Rawls suggests how to draw a line between the misfortune that is society’s responsibility and the misfortune that is not by distinguishing between deep and shallow inequalities.  The former are associated with inequalities in the “basic structure” of society in this passage: “For us the primary subject of justice is the basic structure of society, or more exactly, the way in which the major social institutions distribute fundamental rights and duties and determine the division of advantages from social cooperation.  By major  institutions I understand the political constitution and the principal economic and social arrangements.  . . .The basic structure of society is the primary subject of justice because its effects are so profound and present from the start.  The intuitive notion here is that this structures contains various social positions and that people are men born into different positions havinge different expectations of life determined, in part, by the political system as well as by economic and social circumstances.  In this way the institutions of society favor certain starting places over others.  These are especially deep inequalities.  Not only are they pervasive, but they affect people’s men’s initial chances in life; yet they cannot possibly be justified by an appeal to the notions of merit and desert.  It is these inequalities, presumably inevitable in the basic structure of any society, to which the principles of social justice apply.”1 Rawls’s idea is appealing.  Think of two persons, one born on the “right,” the other on the “wrong” side of the tracks, one blessed with capable and nurturing parents, the other cursed with parents from the bottom of the barrel, one born with a genetic endowment that predisposes her to talent and fortune, the other plagued by an unfortunate genetic inheritance, one wealthy from birth, the other poor.  From the start, before either child has taken a step out of the cradle, they some have unequal life expectations given their initial circumstances.  The contrast between basic structural inequalities and nonbasic ones does not seem exactly to coincide with the distinction between deep and shallow inequalities: inequalities in genetic inheritance do not arise from the way that the core institutions of society are set.  The important contrast here seems to be between deep inequalities among persons, those that are present from birth, in given social circumstances, and shallow inequalities that arise later as a result of processes that are influenced by voluntary choice.

We can’t justify that some people be born into starvation because one’s birth place is random. Justice then, requires that the primary obligation of any government must be reducing these inequalities.

Therefore, my criterion is promoting equality.

People ought be accorded equal life opportunities. This is pre-requisite to their case, because governments must act to uphold justice as a priority. If distributive justice isn’t upheld, society fails because people will feel that their rights aren’t being upheld and they won’t be able to act on their legitimate expectations toward justice. This means that my opponent must prove a legitimate moral difference between individuals in developing nations and those in post-industrial nations, because in order to say that one group deserves more than the other necessitates that they are not equal.

Then, developing nations inherently provide unequal opportunities to their people that developed nations. Singer 93.

 Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. New York: Cambridge UP. PDF
Extreme poverty, as de?ned by the World Bank, means not having enough income to meet the most basic human needs for adequate food, water, shelter, clothing, sanitation, health care or education. In 2008, the 191 192 Bank calculated that this requires a daily income that is the purchasing power equivalent of about US$1.25 per day in the United States. This is not the foreign exchange equivalent of US$1.25, which might not be so bad, because as everyone who travels from a rich country to a poor one knows, the currencies of rich countries often have much greater purchasing power in poor countries. The World Bank’s de?nition takes that difference into account: the poor earn only as much as will buy, in their currency, the quantity of necessities that $1.25 will buy in the United States.
The bank estimates that 1.4 billion people have less income than this. ¶In industrialized countries, people are poor by comparison to others in their society. Their poverty is relative – they have enough to meet their basic needs and usually access to free health care as well. The 1.4 billion people living in extreme poverty in developing countries are poor by an absolute standard: they have dif?culty can’t meeting their basic needs. Absolute poverty kills. According to UNICEF, the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund, 8.8 million children under ?ve years old died from avoidable, poverty-related causes in 2008. That comes to 24,000 – think of it as that’s a football stadium full of children – dying unnecessarily every day. (The number of children dying has been falling steadily since the 1960s but still remains far too high.) Millions of adults also die because of absolute poverty. Life expectancy in the rich nations is now seventy-eight years; in developing countries, it is around ?fty. When absolute poverty does not cause death, it still causes misery of a kind not often seen in the af?uent nations. Malnutrition in young children stunts both physical and mental development. Millions of people on poor diets suffer from de?ciency diseases, like goiter, or blindness caused by a lack of vitamin A. The food value of what the poor eat is further reduced by parasites such as hookworm and ringworm, which are endemic in conditions of poor sanitation and health education. ¶Death and disease apart, absolute poverty remains a miserable condition of life, with inadequate food, shelter, clothing, sanitation, health services and education. This is the ‘normal’ situation of our world. At least ten times as many people died from preventable, poverty-related diseases on September 9/11, 2001, as died in the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on that black day. The terrorist attacks led to trillions of dollars being spent on the ‘war on terrorism’ and on security measures that have inconvenienced every air traveller since then. The deaths caused by poverty were ignored. So whereas very few people have died from terrorism since September 11, 2001, approximately 30,000 people died from poverty-related causes on September 12, 2001, and on every day between then and now, and will die tomorrow. Even when we consider larger events, like the Asian tsunami of 2004, which killed approximately 230,000 people, or the 2010 earthquake in Haiti that killed up to 200,000, we are still talking about numbers that represent just one week’s toll for preventable, poverty-related deaths – and that happens ?fty-two weeks in every year. 

The inherent harms of living in a developing country are the ultimate injustice because no one deserves to die simply because they lost the birth lottery. In order to uphold justice, developing nations must prioritize ensuring that everyone has equal opportunities in the world. This outweighs all of my opponent’s possible harms because by the time I’m done reading this case, I can say with absolute certainty that 35 children will have died from poverty.  Prefer my impacts because they are ongoing.

I contend that developing countries should extract resources and redistribute the earnings through cash transfers.

By redistribution of rentier wealth, resource extraction will virtually eliminate poverty, help develop nations, and solve the resource curse. By utilizing existing rent-structures, governments in developing nations can easily turn resource extraction into growth for the poor.

Shanta Devarajan is chief economist of the World Bank's Africa region. Marcelo Giugale is director for economic policy and poverty reduction programmes for Africa at the World Bank. How Africa Can Extract Big Benefits for Everyone from Natural Resources." Guardian Weekly. Guardian News and Media, 29 June 2011. Web. 03 Jan. 2014. http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/jun/29/africa-extracting-benefits-from-natural-resources

By redistribution of rentier wealth, resource extraction will ...slow-but-necessary construction of better governance institutions.

This is key to building sustainanble institutions and ending poverty.

Solves poverty

Segal 11
Segal, Paul. Senior Lecturer in Emerging Economies and International Development at King's International Development Institute. "Resource Rents, Redistribution, and Halving Global Poverty: The Resource Dividend." (2009). From World Development Vol. 39, No. 4, pp. 475–489, 2011. www.elsevier.com/locate/worlddev
The intuitive idea that the ... a powerful tool against poverty.

Tournament: GFCA STATE | Round: 4 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Kritical Judges

The construction of environmental risks widen the biopolitical power of the state.
Grove 10

Grove, Kevin J. Lecturer in Human Geography at Aberystwyth University. "Insuring “our common future?” Dangerous climate change and the biopolitics of environmental security." Geopolitics 15.3 (2010): 536-563. JSTOR
As Dillon notes, risk is not a pre-existing ...climate change and disasters threaten. 

Then generic Foucault impact/framework turns

Rather than allow the government to turn individuals into cogs in a machine, we must reject biopolitics. We can do this through rejecting state action to protect the environment. I contend that we should embrace environmental degredation as each coming of disaster creates spaces free from the biopolitics of the state.  Don’t let them outweigh on the impact debate—communities can adapt. Grove 10

In threatening to stymie poverty eradication, dangerous climate change imperils the raison d’être of the development apparatus: “Climate change poses a new challenge to the World Bank Group’s great goal – a world free of poverty.”92 This threatens to erase years of work that have pried open non-Western societies to Western systems of rule:93 “Climate change is a serious risk to poverty reduction and threatens to undo decades of development efforts.”94 This not only threatens the historical ef?cacy of Western-led development, it also threatens and future efforts to corral the creativity and mobility of non-insured life: “A natural catastrophe can suspend poverty reduction and other central development objectives for years following the event.”95 The danger here is that in the absence of a fully functioning development apparatus that supports the capacity of underdeveloped states to management of their populations, alternative forms of social organisation will appear in response to the challenges of more frequent and intense eco disasters. Indeed, both policy and academic literature have noted the recent emergence of alternative forms of disaster management, development, and social organ- isation in the developing world in response to climate change. A UNDP report writes, “Disruptions caused by disasters can open political space for alternative forms of social organisation. Often this is a negative experience, as with looting, but there is the possibility for more egalitarian forms of organisation to manifest.”96 Likewise, this condition is noted by much of the more critically minded vulnerabilities literature. For example, Adger et al.  suggest that individuals and communities throughout the developing world are “autonomously” adapting to climate change in ways that fall outside the purview and control of capital and the state.97 As disasters become more prevalent, peoples exposed to disaster risk in developing countries increasingly draw on local knowledge, experience, and resources, rather than the state or capital, to develop coping capacities to shifting environmental conditions.98 In other words, disasters create a milieu that enables forms of self-reproduction that lie outside disciplinary and biopolitical weapons that control and contain underdeveloped species life.  At this point, we can see how discourses on dangerous climate change and disasters extend and modify the concern within earlier environmental security discourses over the threat environmental change poses to Western ways of life, rendered biopolitically as developed species life. They point to a fundamental problem that socio-ecological interconnection and contin- gency pose to existing social, political, ecological, and cultural relations that comprise modern global order. Securing sustainable development against climate change thus involves sustaining the ef?cacy of technologies of government that exclude and contain non-insured life within an emergent socio-ecological context. The next section explores how the incorporation of risk management into development practices attempts to address these potentially destabilising effects of climate change.

Tournament: GFCA STATE | Round: 5 | Opponent: Any | Judge: Any

China DA

Coal is key to Chinese economic growth. WCA 11

  WCA (World Coal Association). Coal's Vital Role in China. Ecoal, Vol. 74, May 2011. http://www.worldcoal.org/resources/ecoal-archive/ecoal-current-issue/coals-vital-role-in-china/

The IEA declared that in 2010 China had passed the USA as the world's largest energy consumer*. Most estimates also project China to overtake the USA as the world's largest economy within the next ten years. As the IEA's 2010 World Energy Outlook report stated, it is hard to over-estimate the role of China in global energy markets.¶picture removed, text unaltered¶Coal has been, and will according to projections, continue to be, the central character in this story. In fact, coal has played a major role in China‘s throughout much of its history. China is reputed to have been the world's biggest coal producer for most of the past 2000 years. For the future, recent developments in China's energy system will have major implications for global supply and demand trends for coal, as well as oil and natural gas. The policy approach taken in China will also play a key role in global action on climate change.¶With the World Coal Association (WCA) holding its Annual General Meeting in Beijing in June this year and with WCA's recent membership growth, with both Shenhua Group - China's largest coal producer - and the China National Coal Association joining the WCA, we take a look at the current status of coal in China and consider what the future might hold.¶Demand Outpacing Supply¶China has the world's third largest coal reserves at 114 billion tonnes, which in any economic environment would likely make it one of the world's major coal producers. However, in an environment of rapid economic growth, China's coal production has grown markedly in recent years - between 2000 and 2010 Chinese coal production is estimated to have tripled.¶Importantly, this growth has occurred in an environment where the government has sought to improve safety in coal mining by shutting down many smaller, unsafe and often illegal mines. In fact, safety in coal production has been a significant focus of the Chinese government in recent years. According to the State Administration of Work Safety, deaths per million tonnes of coal produced have decreased by more than 85 between 2000 and 2009.¶The massive increase in domestic production of coal, however, has not been sufficient to meet the demand created by rapid economic growth. In 2008 China become a net importer of coal to meet their energy needs and by 2010 net imports were estimated to be around 170 million tonnes, which has been a fundamental turnaround from net exports of around 90 million tonnes in 2001. Australia, Indonesia and Vietnam have been major beneficiaries of the change in the market, becoming significant suppliers to China.

Even the closing of a few small mines has had a negative effect on China’s economy. Sinha 12

  Ankita Sinha. GBI Research. 03/10/2012. “Leading the Charge.” Energy Global.http://www.energyglobal.com/news/coal/articles/China_coal_mining_industry_prepares_for_a_strong_future.aspx#.Uw_A0IXqSKw

China’s mining industry is the largest contributor not only to the Asia-Pacific mining market but also to the global market. With the largest coal reserves in Asia-Pacific, the country is the largest producer of coal in the world. Factors such as Government programmes and continuous ongoing explorations are driving production, as it is continuously increasing coal consumption with high demand from the power sector and steel industry. Despite the there has been a drop in production levels due to the Government’s consolidation measures to shutting down inefficient small mines, small losses due to closure of such mines will pave the way for competence of bigger mining companies, thus improving efficiency and increasing productivity across the mining industry. Illegal mining and poor safety records remain major areas of concern, thus restraining the market.¶Nevertheless, with growing energy requirements to meet the economic needs, and the Government’s efforts to negate the impact of such issues, the Chinese coal mining industry is anticipating a promising future.
 

Decreased Chinese growth rates spark China-Taiwan war. Lewis 10

 
Lewis 10 (Dan, Research Director of Economic Research Council, “The nightmare of a Chinese economic collapse” World Finance, http://www.worldfinance.com/news/home/finalbell/article117.html)
It has been calculated that to keep forChina’s society stable – ie to manage the transition from a rural to an urban society without devastating unemployment - the minimum growth rate is 7.2 percent. Anything less than a growth rate of 7.2 that and unemployment will rise and the massive shift in population from the country to the cities becomes unsustainable. This is when real discontent with communist party rule becomes vocal and hard to ignore. It doesn’t end there. That will at best bring a global recession. The crucial point is that communist authoritarian states have at least had some success in keeping a lid on ethnic tensions – so far. But when multi-ethnic communist countries fall apart from economic stress and the implosion of central power, history suggests that they don’t become successful democracies overnight. Far from it. There’s a very real chance that China might go the way of Yugoloslavia or the Soviet Union – chaos, civil unrest and internecine war. In the very worst case scenario, a Chinese government might seek to maintain national cohesion by going to war with Taiwan – whom America is pledged to defend.

China-Taiwan war goes nuclear. Lowther 13

 
  Lowther, William. "Taiwan Could Spark Nuclear War: Report." Taiper Times. N.p., 13 Mar. 2013. Web. 3 Mar. 2014.

“Taiwan remains the single most plausible and dangerous source of tension and conflict between the US and China,” says the 42-page report by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).¶Prepared by the CSIS’ Project on Nuclear Issues and resulting from a year-long study, the report emphasizes that Beijing continues to be set on a policy to prevent Taiwan’s independence, while at the same time the US maintains the capability to come to Taiwan’s defense.¶“Although tensions across the Taiwan Strait have subsided since both Taipei and Beijing embraced a policy of engagement in 2008, the situation remains combustible, complicated by rapidly diverging cross-strait military capabilities and persistent political disagreements,” the report says.¶In a footnote, it quotes senior fellow at the US Council on Foreign Relations Richard Betts describing Taiwan as “the main potential flashpoint for the US in East Asia.”¶The report also quotes Betts as saying that neither Beijing nor Washington can fully control developments that might ignite a Taiwan crisis.¶“This is a classic recipe for surprise, miscalculation and uncontrolled escalation,” Betts wrote in a separate study of his own.¶The CSIS study says: “For the foreseeable future Taiwan is the contingency in which nuclear weapons would most likely become a major factor, because the fate of the island is intertwined both with the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and the reliability of US defense commitments in the Asia-Pacific region.”¶Titled Nuclear Weapons and US-China Relations, the study says disputes in the East and South China seas appear unlikely to lead to major conflict between China and the US, but they do “provide kindling” for potential conflict between the two nations because the disputes implicate a number of important regional interests, including the interests of treaty allies of the US.¶The danger posed by flashpoints such as Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula and maritime demarcation disputes is magnified by the potential for mistakes, the study says.¶“Although Beijing and Washington have agreed to a range of crisis management mechanisms, such as the Military Maritime Consultative Agreement and the establishment of a direct hotline between the Pentagon and the Ministry of Defense, the bases for miscommunication and misunderstanding remain and draw on deep historical reservoirs of suspicion,” the report says.¶For example, it says, it is unclear whether either side understands what kinds of actions would result in a military or even nuclear response by the other party.¶To make things worse, “neither side seems to believe the other’s declared policies and intentions, suggesting that escalation management, already a very uncertain endeavor, could be especially difficult in any conflict,” it says.¶Although conflict “mercifully” seems unlikely at this point, the report concludes that “it cannot be ruled out and may become increasingly likely if we are unwise or unlucky.”¶The report says: “With both sides possessing and looking set to retain formidable nuclear weapons arsenals, such a conflict would be tremendously dangerous and quite possibly devastating.”

Nuke - Extinction

Russia DA

Hydrocarbon extraction is key to the Russian economy.
Pirog, 07

Energy exports have been a major driver of Russia’s economic growth over the last five years, as Russian oil production has risen strongly and world oil and gas prices have been relatively high.  This type of growth has made the Russian economy very dependent on oil and natural gas exports, and vulnerable to fluctuations in world oil prices. Based upon an International Monetary Fund study, a $1 per barrel increasein the price of Urals blend crude oil for a year results in a $3 billion increase in Russia’s nominal Gross Domestic Product.

Ridgwell, 12  continues

Stephen Tindale, an energy economist at the Center for European Reform, said, “Almost half of the Russian government’s revenue comes from various taxes on oil and gas exports.” Watch a related video report by Mil Arcega Tindale says that this leaves the Russian economy highly vulnerable to a fall in oil prices. “It would mean their budget was well out of balance and so would be very serious, short-term, for Putin and the Russian government," he said.
The internal link is that removing this source of revenue means Russia loses half of its revenues. Banning resource extraction would mean no more oil. Don’t let my opponent link out of this—they said resource extraction is bad for the environment so they can’t defend that Russia continues drilling. 

Then, there is no alternative to extracting oil.  Gaddy, 11

The problem is that it is precisely the oil wealth (the so-called oil rent) that is used to support and perpetuate the inefficient structure. For the sake of social and political stability, a large share of Russia’s oil and gas rents is distributed to the production enterprises that employ the inherited physical and human capital. The production and supply chains in that part of the economy are in effect “rent distribution chains.” A serious An attempt to convert Russia’s economy into something resembling a modern Western economy would require dismantling this the Oil rent distribution system. This would be both highly destabilizing, and costly in terms of current welfare. Current efforts for “diversification” do not challenge the rent distribution system. On the contrary, the kinds of investment envisioned in those efforts will preserve and reinforce the rent distribution chains, and hence make Russia more dependent on oil rents. Even under optimal conditions for investment, any dream of creating a “non-oil” Russia that could perform as well as today’s commodity-based economy is unrealistic. The proportion of GDP that would have to be invested in non-oil sectors is impossibly high. Granted, some new firms, and even entire sectors, may grow on the outside of the oil and gas sectors and the rent distribution chains they support. But the development of the new sectors will be difficult, slow, and costly. Even if successful, the net value they generate will be too small relative to oil and gas to change the overall profile of the economy. Thus, while it is fashionable to talk of “diversification” of the Russian economy away from oil and gas, this is the least likely outcome for the country’s economic future. 

No oil means economic collapse -Shelin, 12

In the first quarter of 2012, the average price of Urals Crude was $117 a barrel; compare that with Q1 2010 when the price barely touched $70. In Q1 2012, Russia’s exports totaled $135 billion and imports made up $73 billion, a healthy margin of $62 billion. However, due to negative balance of payments, services and other economic parameters the Russian current account stands at a more modest $42 billion. Moreover, since the net outflow of private capital from Russia for the same three months was $35 billion, the country’s economy is more or less breaking even. If oil prices were to fall down to the 2010 mark of $70 a barrel, and along with it other energy resources that make up more than 70 of all Russian exports, then total revenue would fall by some $40 billion, from the current $135 billion to $95 billion. In addition, Q1 2010 saw Russian imported goods totaling $46 billion and export of private capital touching $15billion, 1.6 and 2.3 times lower than today’s figure respectively. If world oil prices do indeed crash, it is believed that Russians will panic and the country’s private capital exports will accelerate dramatically. A drop in oil prices will not be matched by the required cut in imports and to restore fiscal balance the Kremlin will have to decide whether to raid their foreign reserves or cut their expenditure on imports by half. The result would lead to a sharp devaluation of the ruble, a drop in consumer confidence and a surge in inflation.

Carey 2003

 
Yet reducing oil use has to be done judiciously. A drastic or drop in demand could even be counterproductive. Why? Because even a very small change in capacity or demand “can bring big swings in price” explains Rajeev Dhawan, direction of the Economic Forecasting Center at Georgia State University’s Robison College of Business. For instance, the slowdown in Asia in the mid-1990s reduced demand only by about 1.5 million bbl. A day but it cause oil price to plunge to near $10 a barrel. So today, if the U.S. succeeded in abruptly curbing demand for oil prices would plummet. Higher cost producers such as Russia and the US would either have to soil oil at a big loss or stand on the sidelines. The effect would be to concentrate power  you guessed it in the hands of Middle Eastern nations, the lowest-cost producers and holders of two thirds of the known oil reserves. That’s why flawed energy policies, such as trying to override market forces by rushing to expand supplies or mandating big fuel efficiency gains, could do harm. 

different impacts depending on the AC frame

(Robert Specialist in Energy Economics and Policy Resources, Science, and Industry Division   “Russian Oil and Gas Challenges”, 6-20-07, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33212.pdf, 7-2-12, GHK)
  (Henry, Editor for Voice of America, 6/11, Voice of America, “Falling Oil Prices Prompt Russian Economic Fears,” http://www.voanews.com/content/falling-oil-prices-prompt-russian-economic-fears/1206097.html, Accessed: 7/11/12, GJV)
  (Clifford G., Senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, Washington, 6/16, Rianovisti, “Will the Russian economy rid itself of its dependence on oil?” http://en.rian.ru/valdai_op/20110616/164645377.html, Accessed: 7/5/12, GJV)
  (John, Business Week, Taming the Oil Beast, Feb 24) 

  – Sheldon, author and blogger for the Huffington Post, “Russian Economy Faces Disastrous Free Fall Contraction” http://www.globaleconomiccrisis.com/blog/archives/356