NDCA LD 2013-2014 » Cypress Woods » Cypress Woods Xiong Neg

Cypress Woods Xiong Neg

Last modified by Xixiang Xiong on 2014/04/26 14:09

Tournament	Round	Opponent	Judge
Churchill	8	sdsd	sdsds
Greenhill	1	Chloe Naguib	Ryan Fink
Greenhill	4	Apple Valley MO	Bekah Boyer
HArvard	1	sdsds	sdsds
TOC	4	Courtney	Adler
harvard	1	dsds	sdsds

Tournament

Churchill

sdsd

sdsds

tick

pencil delete

Greenhill

Chloe Naguib

Ryan Fink

tick

pencil delete

Greenhill

Apple Valley MO

Bekah Boyer

tick

report

pencil delete

HArvard

sdsds

tick

pencil delete

TOC

Courtney

Adler

tick

pencil delete

harvard

dsds

sdsds

tick

pencil delete

Tournament	Round	Report
Greenhill	4	Opponent: Apple Valley MO \| Judge: Bekah Boyer AC was stock minority inclusion neg was topicality and turns on the Aff

Tournament

Round

Report

Greenhill

Opponent: Apple Valley MO | Judge: Bekah Boyer

To modify or delete round reports, edit the associated round.

Cites

Entry	Date
CP Tournament: HArvard \| Round: 1 \| Opponent: sdsds \| Judge: sdsds Counterplan text: Guinea, Sierra Leone, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Tanzania, Namibia, South Africa, and Lesotho will adopt Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction. Completion: The CP is mutually exclusive: Adopting Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction is incompatible with stopping diamond mining altogether. The counter-plan competes through net benefits. Solvency: Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction solves the problems associated with illegal trade. Hazleton: Hazleton, Ralph. "Diamonds: Forever or For Good?." Ottawa: Partnership Africa Canada (2002). Khama’s choice was made clear in the BDP Election Manifesto of 1965: “…leaving mineral rights vested in tribal authorities and private companies must necessarily results in uneven growth of the country’s economy, as well as deprive the Central Government of an important source of revenue for developing the country. …It will be the policy of the BDP Government to negotiate with all parties concerning the takeover of the country’s mineral rights by the Central Government, and subsequently expand the present mining operations and step up prospecting activities throughout the territory.”13 Khama’s choice in vesting mineral rights in the central government would prove to be the key in establishing the authority of the state, and in providing a guaranteed source of government revenue. Rather than allowing inter-regional income differences to generate jealousies as has happened in other countries, the state’s share of the mineral wealth could be used for national purposes. In the case of diamonds, this is exactly what occurred. The government was thus in control when diamonds were discovered. With that discovery, the government next faced the task of devising a minerals taxation policy. Again, in retrospect, the government proved to have been wise. It recognized that the value of any deposit was subject to considerable uncertainty. In such circumstances, a fixed royalty rate might yield far more than the rent attributable to the deposit, or far too little. Rather than relying solely on a high fixed royalty rate, the government focused on obtaining a significant share of the profits from the mining operation. This was accomplished by requiring, in addition to a modest royalty rate, that government share in the equity of the mining company. Since the government owned the lands when De Beers discovered diamonds, it was in a good bargaining position. Initially, the government took a 15 per cent stake in the diamond mines, but once De Beers revealed the true scale and value of the diamonds, the government renegotiated the contract. Today, Debswana, is equally and jointly owned. Further, in 1987 the government actually purchased five per cent of the shares of De Beers itself. According to the Managing Director of Debswana, the move was aimed at diversifying the economic base away from the diamond industry. In 2001, the takeover of De Beers by Anglo-American, Debswana and the Oppenheimer family enlarged Botswana’s influence in the world diamond market. The fact that no diamond dealers are licensed in Botswana reduces the illicit diamond trade. This means that anyone found with a rough diamond has automatically broken the law. Between 1998 and 2001, 62 people were arrested in connection with rough diamond theft, although the diamonds involved were worth only $9000. This is considerably less than another estimate, which suggests that losses from the mines may have been as much as $70 million a year, courtesy of criminal syndicates in South Africa — at least until the installation of a new security plant at Jwaneng in 2000.15 Because of increasingly high levels of technology, rough diamonds are now said to be untouched by human hands and are not even seen between mining and their arrival at the sorting facility in Gaborone. Responsible government, generally good governance, and good management of the diamond industry have played a strong role in preventing Botswana from becoming a transit country for conflict diamonds from Angola and the Congo. And, Botswana’s diamond industry improves the well-being of its workers. Hazleton 2: In 2000, the diamond industry in Botswana employed nearly 6,000 workers, and although this represented slightly less than three per cent of the formal labour force, it is still the largest sector of employment. About 80 per cent of the mineworkers belong to the Botswana Mine Workers’ Union (BMWU). Compared with workers in other sectors, diamond workers are the ‘labour aristocracy’. Debswana pays a minimum wage of Pula 900 (US$169) a month, compared with the national minimum wage of Pula 475 (US$89) per month. Diamond workers also receive medical benefits (70-80 per cent paid), and 20 per cent of salary contribution to a pension fund. Housing is provided free and is typically not in hostels but in semi-detached houses with electricity, water-borne sewage, in-house water taps and gas. All electricity and water costs are subsidized, and gas is generally free. All wages and other basic conditions of employment are negotiated in the Debswana Negotiating Forum. Net benefit: Diamond mining in Botswana has improved the entire economy, reduced the nation’s reliance of economic aid, improved state’s infrastructure, promoted education, and increased life expectancy. Lewis: Lewin, Michael. "Botswana’s Success: Good Governance, Good Policies, and Good Luck." Botswana's Success (2011): 81-90. Botswana is a sparsely populated, arid, landlocked country; at independence Botswana it was also one of the poorest countries in the world, with per capita income of just $70 a year. In the first few years of independence, about 60 percent of current government expenditure consisted of international development assistance. There were only 12 kilometers of paved roads, and agriculture (mostly cattle farming for beef production) accounted for 40 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). By 2007 Botswana had 7,000 kilometers of paved roads, and per capita income had risen to about $6,100 ($12,000 at purchasing power parity), making Botswana an upper middle-income country comparable to Chile or Argentina. Its success is also evident in other measures of human development. At independence, life expectancy at birth was 37 years. By 1990 it was 60, 10 years above the African average. Under-five mortality had fallen to about 45 per 1,000 live births in 1990, compared with 180 for Africa as a whole. Development assistance has shrunk to less than 3 percent of the government budget, and agriculture currently accounts for only about 2.5 percent of GDP. Major strides have also been made in infrastructure and education.1 Annual growth in per capita income averaged 7.0 percent between 1966 and 1999 (table 4.1 and figure 4.1). The country’s performance is particularly impressive compared with that of other African economies (figure 4.2). Critics have argued that the social gains from this growth have been somewhat limited. In fact, in addition to the gains in health and life expectancy noted above, there have been gains in poverty reduction and education. The proportion of poor people fell from about 50 percent in 1985 to 33 percent in 1994, and the proportion of people completing at least primary school rose from less than 2 percent at independence to about 35 percent in 1994 (Leith 2005). Not all indicators are as positive: income distribution in Botswana remains very unequal (the Gini coefficient was about 0.55 in 1994).2 Unemployment remains high, reflecting to a large extent rural to urban migration, although it too has fallen, dropping from about 21 percent in the 1990s to about 17 percent in 2008. DIAMONDS AND DEVELOPMENT Botswana’s extraordinary growth was fueled by minerals, particularly diamonds. At independence, beef, the country’s main export and largest sector, contributed 39 percent of GDP. From independence until the 1970s, international aid dominated the government budget and was the main source of foreign exchange. At that time the mineral sector, mainly diamonds, began to take off and soon became the dominant sector. Income growth and the growth of the mining sector accelerated in tandem from about 1974/75 until recently. This outweighs the AC since improving Africa’s human development is the only way to end the war on the African people altogether. The plan may solve for the current problems in the mining industries of most African countries, but the CP has a much wider impact.	2/15/14
Exist NC Tournament: Greenhill \| Round: 1 \| Opponent: Chloe Naguib \| Judge: Ryan Fink Moral claims derived by experience. (David Hume; Edited by an Copyrights Jonathan Bennett 2010-2015; “Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding” http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdfbits/he1.pdf) Existential freedom needs to be respected. Scott Webster. Existentialism: Providing an ideal framework for educational research in times of uncertainty.Faculty of Education. Monash University. http://www.aare.edu.au/02pap/web02086.htm vc: respecting agency compulsory by definition coerces people 2. Destroys right to vote since it makes it a duty 3. Punishments coerce people	9/21/13
NDCA Interps Tournament: Churchill \| Round: 8 \| Opponent: sdsd \| Judge: sdsds Must defend implementation Can’t defend implementation Can’t read skep triggers Burdens must be nec and suff Must defend envronmental protection Can’t read presumption Can’t read AFC Can’t defend nonrenewable resource extraction Must spcify type of environmental policy Must read util Can’t have arbitrary planks in the interp Can’t defend resource conservation Must have solvency advocate Can’t defend Mangroves	4/26/14
Nietzche NC Tournament: harvard \| Round: 1 \| Opponent: dsds \| Judge: sdsds Morality is constitutive and flows from the aim of activities; chess analogy proves. Katsafanas Paul Katsafanas, Deriving Ethics from Action: A Nietzschean Version of Constitutivism, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research? So what’s special about constitutive aims? The constitutive aim’s standard of success differs from these other standards in that it is intrinsic to the activity in question. You can play a chess game without aiming to enjoy it, and a chess game is not necessarily defective if not enjoyed. But you can’t play a chess game without aiming to achieve checkmate, so a chess game is necessarily effective if it does not achieve checkmate. Thus, the interesting feature of constitutive aims is that they generate intrinsic standards of success. Put differently; they generate non-optional standards of success. So the important point about constitutive aims is just this: if action has a constitutive aim, then that aim will be present in every instance of action. The will to power is the best constitution of action. Action always aims at overcoming because any action is a drive for power. Katsafanas 2 So while a purely goal-directed act would seek to minimize resistances, a process-directed activity involves an active desire to encounter and overcome resistances. For if you aim to engage in some process, you must actually seek the objects upon which the process can be directed. This is why Nietzsche sometimes describes the will to power as “a will to overcome, a will that has in itself no end… a processus in infinitum, an active determin-ing” Or, as he elsewhere puts it, “the will to power can manifest itself only against resistances; therefore it seeks that which resists it” The link between the will to power thesis and the drive psychology should now beclear. Will to power is not an independent drive, but a description of the form that all drive-motivated actions take. This is why Heidegger was entirely correct to write that “ power can never be pre-established as will’s goal, as though power were something that could??rst be posited outside the will...The expression ‘to power ’ therefore never mean some sort of appendage to will. Rather, it comprises an elucidation of the essence of will itself.” To say that we will power is to say that we are motivated by drives.In sum, the will to power thesis describes the structure of drive-motivated actions. If an action is drive-motivated, then it aims at power. If, as Nietzsche seems to maintain,all actions are drive-motivated, then all actions aim at power.This entails that will to power is the constitutive aim of drive-motivated actions. For drives are motivational states that aim at their own continuous expression, and aiming at continuous expression entails aiming to encounter resistances to overcome. Theconclusion is simple: drive-motivated activities aim at encountering and overcomingresistance. Thus, the standard is the adherence to the Will to Power. Exploitation of the world around us is a mechanism of overcoming resistance. Conard Nietzsche claims that we see it in the natural world around us: “Life itself is essentially ap- propriation, injury, overpowering of what is alien and weaker; suppression, hardness, imposition of one’s own forms, incorporation and at least, at its mildest, exploitation. . . . ‘Exploitation’ . . . belongs to the essence of what lives, as a basic organic function; it is a consequence of the will to power, which is after all the will of life.”21 Far from being peaceful, good, wholesome, or divine, nature works by violation. Living things exist by overpowering and eating other living things.22 They live by exerting and discharging their strength, at the expense of other creatures. “A living thing seeks above all to discharge its strength—life itself is will to power,” Nietzsche says.23 This violation, this appropriation and injury, is the very heart and essence of the world and, indeed, of human nature as part of that world. And yet, violation and injury are precisely what traditional morality would label as “immoral” or “evil.” In other words, traditional, absolutist morality condemns life and nature and is therefore, Nietzsche says, unhealthy and degenerate.	2/15/14
T- Felons Tournament: Greenhill \| Round: 4 \| Opponent: Apple Valley MO \| Judge: Bekah Boyer T- felons a. interp: Felons with violent crimes can't vote Rosenberg: http://geography.about.com/od/politicalgeography/a/compulsoryvote.htm b. violation: They defend giving all felons the right to vote Ground- generate offense off of accessing a huge voting popoulation 2. AC is extratopical- that's bad because it's horribly unpredictable 3. Real World: no system has cv for every single criminal	9/22/13

Entry

Date

CP

Tournament: HArvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: sdsds | Judge: sdsds
Counterplan text: Guinea, Sierra Leone, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Tanzania, Namibia, South Africa, and Lesotho will adopt Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction.

Completion:
The CP is mutually exclusive: Adopting Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction is incompatible with stopping diamond mining altogether.
The counter-plan competes through net benefits.

Solvency: Botswana’s approach to diamond extraction solves the problems associated with illegal trade. Hazleton:

Hazleton, Ralph. "Diamonds: Forever or For Good?." Ottawa: Partnership Africa Canada (2002).

Khama’s choice was made clear in the BDP Election Manifesto of 1965: “…leaving mineral rights vested in tribal authorities and private companies must necessarily results in uneven growth of the country’s economy, as well as deprive the Central Government of an important source of revenue for developing the country. …It will be the policy of the BDP Government to negotiate with all parties concerning the takeover of the country’s mineral rights by the Central Government, and subsequently expand the present mining operations and step up prospecting activities throughout the territory.”13 Khama’s choice in vesting mineral rights in the central government would prove to be the key in establishing the authority of the state, and in providing a guaranteed source of government revenue. Rather than allowing inter-regional income differences to generate jealousies as has happened in other countries, the state’s share of the mineral wealth could be used for national purposes. In the case of diamonds, this is exactly what occurred. The government was thus in control when diamonds were discovered. With that discovery, the government next faced the task of devising a minerals taxation policy. Again, in retrospect, the government proved to have been wise. It recognized that the value of any deposit was subject to considerable uncertainty. In such circumstances, a fixed royalty rate might yield far more than the rent attributable to the deposit, or far too little. Rather than relying solely on a high fixed royalty rate, the government focused on obtaining a significant share of the profits from the mining operation. This was accomplished by requiring, in addition to a modest royalty rate, that government share in the equity of the mining company. Since the government owned the lands when De Beers discovered diamonds, it was in a good bargaining position. Initially, the government took a 15 per cent stake in the diamond mines, but once De Beers revealed the true scale and value of the diamonds, the government renegotiated the contract. Today, Debswana, is equally and jointly owned. Further, in 1987 the government actually purchased five per cent of the shares of De Beers itself. According to the Managing Director of Debswana, the move was aimed at diversifying the economic base away from the diamond industry. In 2001, the takeover of De Beers by Anglo-American, Debswana and the Oppenheimer family enlarged Botswana’s influence in the world diamond market. The fact that no diamond dealers are licensed in Botswana reduces the illicit diamond trade. This means that anyone found with a rough diamond has automatically broken the law. Between 1998 and 2001, 62 people were arrested in connection with rough diamond theft, although the diamonds involved were worth only $9000. This is considerably less than another estimate, which suggests that losses from the mines may have been as much as $70 million a year, courtesy of criminal syndicates in South Africa — at least until the installation of a new security plant at Jwaneng in 2000.15 Because of increasingly high levels of technology, rough diamonds are now said to be untouched by human hands and are not even seen between mining and their arrival at the sorting facility in Gaborone. Responsible government, generally good governance, and good management of the diamond industry have played a strong role in preventing Botswana from becoming a transit country for conflict diamonds from Angola and the Congo.

And, Botswana’s diamond industry improves the well-being of its workers. Hazleton 2:
In 2000, the diamond industry in Botswana employed nearly 6,000 workers, and although this represented slightly less than three per cent of the formal labour force, it is still the largest sector of employment. About 80 per cent of the mineworkers belong to the Botswana Mine Workers’ Union (BMWU). Compared with workers in other sectors, diamond workers are the ‘labour aristocracy’. Debswana pays a minimum wage of Pula 900 (US$169) a month, compared with the national minimum wage of Pula 475 (US$89) per month. Diamond workers also receive medical benefits (70-80 per cent paid), and 20 per cent of salary contribution to a pension fund. Housing is provided free and is typically not in hostels but in semi-detached houses with electricity, water-borne sewage, in-house water taps and gas. All electricity and water costs are subsidized, and gas is generally free. All wages and other basic conditions of employment are negotiated in the Debswana Negotiating Forum.

Net benefit: Diamond mining in Botswana has improved the entire economy, reduced the nation’s reliance of economic aid, improved state’s infrastructure, promoted education, and increased life expectancy. Lewis:

Lewin, Michael. "Botswana’s Success: Good Governance, Good Policies, and Good Luck." Botswana's Success (2011): 81-90.
Botswana is a sparsely populated, arid, landlocked country; at independence Botswana it was also one of the poorest countries in the world, with per capita income of just $70 a year. In the first few years of independence, about 60 percent of current government expenditure consisted of international development assistance. There were only 12 kilometers of paved roads, and agriculture (mostly cattle farming for beef production) accounted for 40 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). By 2007 Botswana had 7,000 kilometers of paved roads, and per capita income had risen to about $6,100 ($12,000 at purchasing power parity), making Botswana an upper middle-income country comparable to Chile or Argentina. Its success is also evident in other measures of human development. At independence, life expectancy at birth was 37 years. By 1990 it was 60, 10 years above the African average. Under-five mortality had fallen to about 45 per 1,000 live births in 1990, compared with 180 for Africa as a whole. Development assistance has shrunk to less than 3 percent of the government budget, and agriculture currently accounts for only about 2.5 percent of GDP. Major strides have also been made in infrastructure and education.1 Annual growth in per capita income averaged 7.0 percent between 1966 and 1999 (table 4.1 and figure 4.1). The country’s performance is particularly impressive compared with that of other African economies (figure 4.2). Critics have argued that the social gains from this growth have been somewhat limited. In fact, in addition to the gains in health and life expectancy noted above, there have been gains in poverty reduction and education. The proportion of poor people fell from about 50 percent in 1985 to 33 percent in 1994, and the proportion of people completing at least primary school rose from less than 2 percent at independence to about 35 percent in 1994 (Leith 2005). Not all indicators are as positive: income distribution in Botswana remains very unequal (the Gini coefficient was about 0.55 in 1994).2 Unemployment remains high, reflecting to a large extent rural to urban migration, although it too has fallen, dropping from about 21 percent in the 1990s to about 17 percent in 2008. DIAMONDS AND DEVELOPMENT Botswana’s extraordinary growth was fueled by minerals, particularly diamonds. At independence, beef, the country’s main export and largest sector, contributed 39 percent of GDP. From independence until the 1970s, international aid dominated the government budget and was the main source of foreign exchange. At that time the mineral sector, mainly diamonds, began to take off and soon became the dominant sector. Income growth and the growth of the mining sector accelerated in tandem from about 1974/75 until recently.
This outweighs the AC since improving Africa’s human development is the only way to end the war on the African people altogether. The plan may solve for the current problems in the mining industries of most African countries, but the CP has a much wider impact.

2/15/14

Exist NC

9/21/13

NDCA Interps

4/26/14

Nietzche NC

Tournament: harvard | Round: 1 | Opponent: dsds | Judge: sdsds
Morality is constitutive and flows from the aim of activities; chess analogy proves. Katsafanas Paul Katsafanas, Deriving Ethics from Action: A Nietzschean Version of Constitutivism, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research?
So what’s special about constitutive aims? The constitutive aim’s standard of success differs from these other standards in that it is intrinsic to the activity in question. You can play a chess game without aiming to enjoy it, and a chess game is not necessarily defective if not enjoyed. But you can’t play a chess game without aiming to achieve checkmate, so a chess game is necessarily effective if it does not achieve checkmate. Thus, the interesting feature of constitutive aims is that they generate intrinsic standards of success. Put differently; they generate non-optional standards of success. So the important point about constitutive aims is just this: if action has a constitutive aim, then that aim will be present in every instance of action.

The will to power is the best constitution of action. Action always aims at overcoming because any action is a drive for power. Katsafanas 2
So while a purely goal-directed act would seek to minimize resistances, a process-directed activity involves an active desire to encounter and overcome resistances. For if you aim to engage in some process, you must actually seek the objects upon which the process can be directed. This is why Nietzsche sometimes describes the will to power as “a will to overcome, a will that has in itself no end… a processus in infinitum, an active determin-ing” Or, as he elsewhere puts it, “the will to power can manifest itself only against resistances; therefore it seeks that which resists it” The link between the will to power thesis and the drive psychology should now beclear. Will to power is not an independent drive, but a description of the form that all drive-motivated actions take. This is why Heidegger was entirely correct to write that “ power can never be pre-established as will’s goal, as though power were something that could??rst be posited outside the will...The expression ‘to power ’ therefore never mean some sort of appendage to will. Rather, it comprises an elucidation of the essence of will itself.” To say that we will power is to say that we are motivated by drives.In sum, the will to power thesis describes the structure of drive-motivated actions. If an action is drive-motivated, then it aims at power. If, as Nietzsche seems to maintain,all actions are drive-motivated, then all actions aim at power.This entails that will to power is the constitutive aim of drive-motivated actions. For drives are motivational states that aim at their own continuous expression, and aiming at continuous expression entails aiming to encounter resistances to overcome. Theconclusion is simple: drive-motivated activities aim at encountering and overcomingresistance.

Thus, the standard is the adherence to the Will to Power. Exploitation of the world around us is a mechanism of overcoming resistance. Conard
Nietzsche claims that we see it in the natural world around us: “Life itself is essentially ap- propriation, injury, overpowering of what is alien and weaker; suppression, hardness, imposition of one’s own forms, incorporation and at least, at its mildest, exploitation. . . . ‘Exploitation’ . . . belongs to the essence of what lives, as a basic organic function; it is a consequence of the will to power, which is after all the will of life.”21 Far from being peaceful, good, wholesome, or divine, nature works by violation. Living things exist by overpowering and eating other living things.22 They live by exerting and discharging their strength, at the expense of other creatures. “A living thing seeks above all to discharge its strength—life itself is will to power,” Nietzsche says.23 This violation, this appropriation and injury, is the very heart and essence of the world and, indeed, of human nature as part of that world. And yet, violation and injury are precisely what traditional morality would label as “immoral” or “evil.” In other words, traditional, absolutist morality condemns life and nature and is therefore, Nietzsche says, unhealthy and degenerate.

2/15/14